The Hissem-Montague Family

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This is the story of the two sons of William Hesam and Dorothy Postlethwaite of Lancaster who settled in America. They were Thomas and William Heysham. They, and their brothers Giles and Christopher, were merchant ship-captains; blue-water sailors who criss-crossed the Atlantic. Thomas and William made their homes in New York City. Christopher kept a foot on both continents keeping a home in both New York and in Lancaster. The fourth brother, Giles, made his home in Lancaster, but sailed frequently to America, stopping sometimes in New York, but most often in Charleston, South Carolina. I tell Giles' and Christopher's story on the John Heysham Line page.

We will treat Thomas Heysham first, directly below. His brother is at (20) William Heysham (1721).

These Heysham boys were contemporaries of Thomas Hesom of Lower Smithfield, Pennsylvania, one of my forebears. See his story on the John Heesom page. I don't believe, however, that they were closely related. Any conjunction of the families resides in the murky period before the 16th century. There is no indication they communicated and they lived very different kinds of lives; the brothers as merchants, ship's captains, and politically active members of their cities; Thomas as a small-scale famer living a hard-scrabble life in a frontier community up the Delaware river. In what follows I have, where there is no other dependable information, tended to place those men who were essentially rural in character in Thomas' line of descent. It is my prejudice that the son of a business man, doctor or lawyer, that is, someone of William's line, would not choose to become a frontier farmer, given the option.

William Heysham's descendants are interesting because so many achieved some degree of, at least minor, fame. William was a leading citizen of Philadelphia and a figure of some importance in the Revolutionary War. His great-grandson Robert Heysham Sayre, through his daughter Ann, was one of the richest men in the country, being both chief engineer of the Lehigh Valley railroad and a founder and managing director of the Bethlehem Steel company. Descendents of William's daughter Mary included one of the leading generals of the Civil War, John Gibbon, but also a long line of noted physicians, culminating in the inventor of the first heart-lung bypass machine, John Heysham Gibbon.

I want to thank the historian and author Tom Truxes for much of the information about the Heyshams in New York City.

Thomas Heysham, the son of William Hesam and Dorothy Postelthwaite, was christened on 27 March 1720 in Saint Mary's church, Lancaster, Lancashire, England. There is another Thomas, the son of William, who was christened in 1715 at Saint Mary's. I've assumed this boy died young, to be replaced by this latter Thomas, but some of the dates below are hard to sustain with a 1720 birth year. Our Thomas may actually be 5 years older, as the citation below would lead you to believe.

Thomas' father died on 21 March 1727 and Thomas' mother would have been looking for good situations for her sons. I have a Thomas Heysham who was apprenticed to Allen Patchat of Liverpool, "Marriner," on 1 September 1729. I know that 'young gentlemen' were sent into the Royal Navy at a very young age as Midshipmen, though this usually meant 11 or 12. Was this common practice in mercantile service too?

I imagine the following scenario would fit both brothers. Each would have been apprenticed by their father to a ship's captain in England to learn ship handling, basic navigation and the rudiments of trade. A more thorough explanation of this kind of training can be found under William P. Heysham, below. After completing this training they would have found jobs as officers on a merchant ship, either one of their father's or of one of his friends. Depending on the size of the vessel they may have started as 2nd or 3rd Mate, then worked their way up to 1st Mate and Captain. Managing the trade for the ship's owners, they probably would carry some small load of their own goods as well. As their prosperity increased they would begin to share in the expense and profit of the voyage and become shareholders in the cargo or in the ship itself. Their goal would be to buy their own ship and set-up a merchant-firm of their own.

At some point around 1740 Thomas and William Heysham, who would have become familiar with the ports of America during their apprenticeship, made the decision to move to New York City. At left is an etching of three merchant captains of colonial New York. Opportunites for start-up companies would be greater there than in the crowded market of England. They probably procured a house together, with the shipping business on the first floor and living arrangements on the floors above. Thomas' routes included one between Newcastle, England and New York City, and another down to the Gulf of Honduras for mahogany.

Thomas sailed out of New York City to Jamaica as early as 1739.

"Custom-House, New York, April 16.

D. Griffith from St. Augustine, W. Baxter and J. Newbold from Maryland, B. Bethel from Jamaica. Entred out. None. Cleared. W. Beekman to Boston, A. Kip, J. Lush and J. Prue to S. Carolina, J. Tucker to Georgia, A. Phenix to Antigua, T. Heysham to Jamaica." - from The Pennsylvania Gazette of 26 April 1739

On 25 January 1743 a will was recorded in New York City. The grantor was James Tucker - probably the J. Tucker in the citation above. The grantee was Thomas Heysham. This was a reciprocal document, with Thomas Heysham a grantor and James Tucker a grantee - from "An Essay Towards an Improved Register of Deeds City and County of New York, to Dec. 31, 1799. Inc." Note that James Tucker, a merchant of New York, was one of the executors of Thomas' will a decade later. As grantee Thomas must have been set to receive something in this will, but I don't know what. In the end, of course, Thomas died first.

I have an odd reference that mentions a Heysham I've never come across before.

"Bill of exchange, Guy Heysham on Richard Birkett & Co. for William Dry, Cape Fear, 17 April 1744." - from "Rhode Island Roots"

Sometime before 1747 Thomas married Catherine, last name unknown, and had at least two surviving children, William and Elizabeth. I expect, based on the probable birth dates of his children, that he was married in New York City. I do not have anything like a marriage certificate or parish register to prove this. His brother, William, also married in New York.

On 26 January 1747 Thomas Heysham was a witness to the New York will of the merchant ship captain, Captain Arthur Helme, along with Catherine, his wife, and William Heysham, his brother:

"In the name of God, Amen. I, Arthur Helme, of the City of New York, mariner, this twenty-sixth day of January, 1747, do make this Will and Testament. All my just debts and funeral expenses to be paid. I leave to my dear and loving wife Jane the rents, issues, and profits of all my real estate during her widowhood, in order for her better maintenance and support, and the better to enable her to educate, bring up and maintain my children. After the remarriage or death of my wife, all my real estate to go to my well-beloved children, William, Francis, Benjamin, Jane, and George Helme, and unto the child or children wherewith my wife now goeth and is pregnant, to each an equal part. The interest of all my personal estate to be used toward educating, maintaining, and bringing up my children, until they arrive at majority or marriage, then my personal estate to go to my wife. I make my dear and loving wife Jane, and my loving and good friends John Coe and William Helme, executors." Witnesses, Thomas Heysham, William Heysham, Catherine Heysham.

It is my supposition that the witnesses for wills were the friends, or close acquaintances, of the subject and performed the duty as a kindness.

Item from the Philadelphia Gazettee, 7-9 September 1747,

'Shipper by the ARENT, Mr. Thomas Heysham, bound from Newcastle for New York.'

Newcastle, England This is a port city located on the north side of the Tyne river, in Yorkshire, not far south of Hadrian's Wall. The view below was engraved in 1745. Newcastle is the regional capital of northeast England. The oldest part of Newcastle is the Quayside, which was until the nineteenth century, the commercial hub of all Tyneside. Most historical of the buildings in this area of the town are the keep of the Norman castle and the adjacent fourteenth century church of St Nicholas with its famous lantern tower. Until the onset of Victorian developments these two buildings were the two most prominent buildings in the townscape of Newcastle upon Tyne. The city came to prominence in the nineteenth century as the shipping point for the coal industry of northern England. The phrase, "shipping coals to Newcastle," identifies a useless task. By the way, the term 'sea coal' refers to coal delivered by ship, that is, from England.

Both Thomas and William Heysham were granted Freedom of the City.

"List of Freemen
1747
. . .
William Haysham
. . .
1748
. . .
Thomas Heysham" - from the "History of the City of New York" by David Thomas Valentine, 1853, page 391-392:

Freemen, 1746-7.
March 31st
. . .
William Haysham, Shipwright [sic]
. . .
Freemen, 1747-8.
March 15th
. . .
Thomas Haysham, Marriner" - from "The Burghers of New Amsterdam and the Freemen of New York. 1675-1866"

From The Philadelphia Gazette of 12 January 1748, a New York item mentions,

'Capt. Heysham from Newcastle [probably Thomas]. Capt. Grenall from Cape Francois, the privateer CATHERINE, Capt Obline, of New York (late Capt. Perkins, who died a few days after the privateer sailed) and Capt Troup.'

In 1748 Thomas Heysham sailed for Honduras. If the Captain Heysham from the last citation was our Thomas, then he did a quick turn-around after his arrival from Newcastle.

". . . purchases, traders and mariners impatiently awaited the return of peace to resume and expand their activities in Central America.

The Treaty of Aix-la-Chappelle (1748) set the stage for Manhattan's emergence as America's leading logwood port, despite the fact that Madrid threatened the most severe reprisals. Among the first New Yorkers venturing back to the Spanish Main, Thomas Heysham cleared for the Bay of Honduras in January 1748 with a cargo of rum, beef, and flour. Other investors and skippers hurriedly outfitted vessels for the voyage south. On Long Island, Oyster Bay merchant Samuel Townsend initiated the first of many logwood ventures by constructing the twenty-five-ton sloop Solomon which departed New York in the fall of 1749 under Captain John Jones. He did not sail unaccompanied, and when Jones returned the following year he reported more than fifty vessels gathering wood, estimating that many would not be loaded until the following Christmas. By 1753, at least sixty local ships regularly journeyed to the logwood coast, and the Bay of Honduras emerged as the third leading Caribbean landfall for New York traders after Jamaica and Curacao. The lure of high profits seemed to outweigh all the obvious risks, and Manhattan vessels composed nearly two-thirds of the colonial logwood "fleet." As early as 1750 dyewood exports from the Bay surpassed pre-war levels, and by 1756 climbed to 18,000 tons worth nearly L350,000.'

Conditions encountered by the ever-growing number of New York skippers and crews remained as daunting as ever. Simply reaching Belize required great skill and luck." - page 237

. . . Many masters in the mid-eighteenth century improved maritime efficiency by utilizing lightly-constructed ships and smaller crews. Logwood carriers, on the other hand, tended to be more heavily built and manned, and virtually all bristled with substantial armament for defense against Spanish attacks. When Captain Thomas Heysham cruised to the Bay in 1738 he carried twenty-two men and twelve guns. Further, while most colonial skippers customarily followed shuttle routes between North America and the Caribbean, attempting to limit layover time (and personnel costs) in foreign ports, logwood ships frequently traced the triangular courses described in older textbooks, but recently debunked by computer-aided researchers." - page 242

- from "Down to the Bay: New York Shippers and the Central American Logwood Trade" in the "Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association"

"As early as May 1750 one New York skipper informed Governor George Clintyon of enemy preparations underway in Havana to assault England's Moskito Coast settlements and then capture all the merchantmen at the Bay. Reports from Cuba indicated that at least eight privateers were fitting out, to be joined by others from Campeche, all to be accompanied by three Spanish warships. Later that month an enemy galley entered the Bay and captured a Manhattan trader, burned the ship, and abandoned the men on a maroon islet without food or water. They were fortuitously rescued a few days later by Captain Vardil in the sloop Charming Molly. The Spanish intruder also seized Captain Thomas Heysham's tender after a bloody fight which left several men dead. That same summer a Rhode Island vessel seeking logwood encountered several armed gallies and then a xebec. Fleeing to Barbadoes, she carried word that the Spaniards had taken at least seven ships at the Bay." - from "New York History: Quarterly Journal of the New York State Historical Association"

"But to eighteenth-century New York traders seeking cargoes of logwood, a valuable dyestuff, the Bay of Honduras (as it was then known) ranked as one of the least hospitable landfalls in the western hemisphere. Natural obstacles included treacherous shoals and deadly tropical fevers, while Spanish guarda costa privateers tested the skill and determination of any colonial seaman. Despite the near certainty of losses and deaths, Manhattan merchants regularly dispatched vessels south to the Bay for the logwood needed to offset escalating costs of European imports. For New Yorkers the height of this activity occurred between 1748 and 1761 . . ." - Ibid

Thomas continued to make runs to and from Newcastle.

'Shippers by the HAWK, Mr. Thomas Heysham, bound from Newcastle for New York.' - from the Philadelphia Gazette, 31 May-26 June 1749

"Title Copy letter from Ralph Carr, Newcastle upon Tyne, to Gulian Verplank [at New York], via Captain Thomas Heysham.
Date 28 June 1749
Description Carr reports Captain Heysham, 'happen'd a most sad misfortune in this river [the Tyne] and was great odds that both Vessell and Cargo had been entirely lost however thank God tis far better than I ever expected it' and he has given Heysham a statement of all expenses incurred in the incident so Verplank can average out the losses; he assures him that he has had all the wet goods dried out and repacked but adds 'I would not for Two Hundred pounds have the like trouble and Vexation that this disaster has given me'; he then discusses a cargo of crown glass sent by Mr Scott and delivered to Verplank by Captain Griffiths giving its price in Newcastle and reports he has asked Mr Scott to inform Verplank if it was of the best quality; he also reports sending some coal, bottles and other glassware for Mr Marston and that he expects captains Tanner, Hickey and Steward 'to clear here but none of them shall come further than Shields'; he ends by advising he has sent some newspapers [to Edmund Quincy at Boston] and offers to send Verplank 'any thing in this Country that wou'd be acceptable to you'" - from the Northumberland Archives, Carr-Ellison Famiy of Hedgeley, Northumberland

The rest of the undated references from the Philadelphia Gazette are to a Captain Heysham, first name unknown. They may (and in most cases probably do) refer to Thomas, but I can't be certain.

"Capt. Thompson arrived from Jamaica, spoke with the Antelope, Heysham, and four other ships from Honduras, bound for New-York, all well." - from "The Country Journal or the Craftsman" of 8 September 1750.

James Birket, the younger brother of Miles Birket of Lancaster, made a trip to North American in 1750-1751 and kept a diary. He was a Quaker merchant operating out of Antigua. He appears to have been in frequent communications with the merchants of the Northern Colonies and perhaps acted as a correspondent or factor for them in their dealings with Antigua. He began his voyage on 26 July 1750 from St. John's Harbor, Antigua. He came ashore in New Hampshire and traveled overland to New York City. From there he returned to Antigua on 3 April 1751.

"16 October 1750. "I dined with John Fell, & Supp'd w'th T: Heysham."

24 October 1750. He "Dined at Thomas Heyshams."

29 October 1750. He "rode out to Harlem and Several other Country Seats in the Neighborhood along with John Fell Samuel Burling Giles Heysham . . . "

I think Giles and the brothers who emigrated to America were probably very close. Note that Thomas, William, Giles and Christopher were all born, rapid order, between 1720 and 1724. Their father died, in 1727, when they were very young which would have pulled them even closer. I suspect there was a number of such nautical visits on both sides of the Atlantic.

16 March 1751. "This morning took leave of my friends in N York (viz) Wm Coventry Is: Latouch Jos. Haynes Nat. Marsten Ra Hilton Tho: Duncan, Ia Burling, Sam Burling John Fell &C &Ca Had a Bowl of Hot Arrack and went Immediately aboard the Snow Elizabeth Giles Heysham. On Board the Eliz'a Giles Heysham Mas't for Antigua w'th John Willett Esq Cha's Duncan And my Self Passengers Also Yorkshire & the Two Horses, Wind N W And a fine gale We turn'd off our fast from the Wharfe at 10 o'Clock A.M. and at One o'Clock we Passed by Sandy hook." - from "Some Cursory Remarks Made by James Birket in His Voyages to North America, 1750-1751" by James Birket.

The following is drawn from the Virginia archives and shows that one of the brothers, probably Giles, had obtained protection from having members of his crew pressed into Royal Navy service. This was an important exception and may show amount of pull, perhaps by the ship's owners.

Admiralty Miscellanea, Registers of 1755 - 1758
Registers of Protections from being pressed, Coasting trade, 1755-1758
"Heysham, _____ [Giles] -- master of ship: ELIZABETH" 17 March 1757, SR 05659, p. 4).

The following quote about the family and Virginia is odd.

". . . All the pennance I can find in my heart to enjoin you for your silence last year (if it be reasonable to punish one of the voluble sex for silence) is to say a great deal to me the next. This you'll say is as selfish as the pennance the ungodly fryer [friar] woud have imposed on the lovely lass in the song, tho' not near so mortifying to be sure. I am sorry for my loving friend Mrs. Heysham who like an old pair of breeches is left off after two years constant wearing. For my part I think she has lasted a great while, considering the noble Lord who had the wearing of her. Every body knows he has a weak stomach that must be kept up by variety, and 'tis a marvel he coud live upon partridge for such a tedious time together. Tho' after all it is not impossible but the lady may long for change of dyet, as well as her lover, especially since in such a course of familiarity the Feind [sic] must need have discoverd his cloven foot. The truth of it is and to our shame be it spoken, the women are commonly more constant than we. What may be . . ." - from "The Correspondence of the Three William Byrds of Westover, Virginia, 1684-1776," page 505, by Marion Tinling

Thomas Heysham must have set sail for Honduras not long after his dinner with James Birkett.

A New York item, 1 April 1751. Report "the arrival there on 31 March of the brig HESTER, Captain [Robert] Troup, from the Bay of Honduras; Captain Heysham of the ship ANTILOPE died there the day before the HESTER sailed" (4 Apr.). - from The Philadelphia Gazette, 4 April 1751

Ship Types The Brig The brig, like the HESTER, is a two-masted sailing ship where both masts are square rigged. The rear mast carries a gaff sail as well. The Ship In nautical terms, the only vessel called a ship, like the ANTILOPE, is one that carries three masts with at least three square sails on all three masts.

On 15 April 1751 the ship ANTILOPE, under the command of John Ryan, sailed into New York City from Honduras - from "The Journal of the American Irish Historical Society." The ship may have carried the body of its late master, though it is more likely that Thomas was either 'consigned to the deep' or found a burial in the jungle. However, his widow had not waited to settle his estate. Thomas Heysham's will was proved just 6 days after the newspaper account of his death, above, was published. It is impossible to say how successful a merchant/ship owner Thomas was based on the limited information we have. He was only 36 years old, but his friends and associates, as shown through the executors and witnesses of his will, were among the most successful and prominent in the city.

The last will and testament of Thomas Heysham was signed on 11 January 1750. This was probably an update of a previous will prepared just before his last voyage. It would have been standard for seafarers to attend to such duties before every trip. It was proved, or probated, on 10 April 1751.

"In the name of God, Amen, I, Thomas Heysham, of New York, mariner, being well in health. I leave all personal property, except household goods, to my son William and my daughter Elizabeth. I leave to my wife Catherine all household goods and the use of my lot and dwelling house for life, and then to my two children. I make my wife and my trusty friends, Thomas Duncan and James Tucker, merchants of New York, executors. Signed: January 11, 1750. Witnesses, Sarah Griffith, Johana Van Ness, James Emott. Proved: April 10, 1751." - from "New York City wills 1744-1758"

"Seamen often selected executors who were of similar social background to themselves. Thomas Heysham, a prosperous mariner who owned a house and lot, appointed his two "friends," the wealthy merchants Thomas Duncan and James Tucker, as his executors." - from "Inheritance and Family Life in Colonial New York City" by David E. Narrett

"Heysham, Thomas, master of ship Antilope - died in Bay of Honduras (4/1); accounts with estate to be settled with widow, Catharine Heysham (4/22);" - from "Genealogical Data from the New York Post Boy, 1743-1773" by Kenneth Scott

At right is a drawing of a colonial New York row house like that which Catherine inherited. It would have been typical of those erected along Wall street. Very little of colonial origin remains today in Manhattan, in great part because of a disastrous fire in 1776.

The following describes the inventory and appraisal of Thomas' goods taken after his death.

"Christopher Bancker and Brandt Schuyler, merchants from New York City, were appointed in 1750 as publicly sworn appraisers for the Province of New York. Schuyler was replaced in 1753 by Joris Brinckerhoff, also a merchant. These men primarily appraised estates of deceased merchants and seamen, as well as ships and their cargo.

This manuscript records the appraised inventories of various estates and ships taken by Christopher Bancker, Brandt Schuyler, and Joris Brinckerhoff in New York, between 1750-1762. Entries record the quantity, description, and value of items in English pounds.

Appraisals of ships included valuation of the vessel's equipment such as masts, sails, cables, etc., as well as its cargo. In several instances, the cargo was damaged.

The majority of entries are for the appraisal of deceased merchants' estates, particularly in cases of escheats where there were no heirs. Such names as Thomas Hysham, John Moore, Francis Thurman, and Anthony Rutgers appear on the list of appraised estates. With the exception of several appraisals of business inventories, such as that of cloth merchant, Thomas Hysham, the majority of the valuated items are household goods and personal belongings. Numerous entries for silver, clothing, china, fabrics, furniture, slaves, farm animals, and pots and pans were recorded. Among the more eclectic items mentioned are a tortoise shell watch, a set of gold weights, a single pocket pistol, and a quilting frame."

- from Appraisals by Christopher Bancker, ca. 1699-1763, in The Joseph Downs Collection of Manuscripts and Printed Ephemera in the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Winterthur, Deleware.

"Among eighteenth-century American merchants' records providing incontrovertible proof of the kinds of textiles brought to East Coast ports are the Beekman Papers . . . The New York Appraisements contain household inventories and the seven-page inventory of textile merchant Thomas Hysham." - from "Textiles in America"

". . . . 3/" were appraised in the New York estate of Thomas Hysham in 1751." - from "Studies in Textile History" by Harold B. Burnham.

Catherine remained in New York City after the death of Thomas. Her brother-in-law, Christopher, used her home on Wall Street as a place of business when he was in town. His brother, William, had married so he undoubtedly had a separate address.

The next reference is undated so I can't tell if Catherine's advertisement was for goods her husband held at his death or if Catherine continued his business.

Undated. "Widow Catherine Heysham, whose husband Thomas had died in 1751, sold a variety of garments and textiles, cutlery, saddles, handkerchiefs, cheese, ale, sugar, "&c, &c," all "Just imported."" - from "Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association"

In 1756 Catherine sent her son, William, to the new King's College, which was meeting just down Wall street at the Trinity church. William only stayed a year, going "into business" instead of graduating. Catherine probably apprenticed him to a ships-captain based on his subsequent career.

In the following reference of 1758 a William Thompson died without a will and a letter of administration was approved naming Catherine as the administrator.

Letters of Administration
Name of Intestate: Wm. Thompson
Adminstrator: Catherine Heysham
Date: May 25, 1758 - from "The John Watts DePeyster Publication Fund Series" Volume 29

In 1759 Catherine's brother-in-law, William, was accused of treason for trading with the French Indies during the Seven Years War with France. Under the threat of arrest he fled, eventually settling in Philadelphia. His brother, Christopher, remained in New York at least as late as August 1768, when he was living in Flushing, on Long Island.

In 1766 Catherine's son, William, a mariner like his father, died at sea. His personal estate was put at interest by his executors, and the interest and the rent of his house on Golden Hill were paid to Catherine.

By 1772 Catherine had, nonetheless, fallen deeply into debt.

20 March 1772 "A Message from the General Assembly by Mr. Jauncey and Mr. Rapalje with the Bill Entitled "An Act for the Relief of John Cox and Catherine Heysham Insolvent Debtors confined in Gaol in the City of New York" desire the Concurrence of the Council thereto." The bill was reviewed on 21 March 1772 and approved on the 23rd. - from the "Journal of the Legislative Council of the Colony of New York", New York Council, 1861, pages 1845-1846 & 1848

"WHEREAS the distressing Situation of such unfortunate Persons who have been rendered incapable of discharging their Debts, has ever been an Object of Attention of the Legislature. AND WHEREAS it appears by the Petition of John Cox and Elizabeth [sic] Heysham that they have been respectively under a long Confinement, by Reason whereof their Effects which they are desirous of applying as far as they will go to the Satisfaction of their Creditors are daily diminishing. WHEREFORE,

BE IT ENACTED by his Excellency the Governor the Council and the General Assembly, and it is hereby enacted by the Authority of the same That it shall and may be lawful to and for the said John Cox and Catherine Heysham and each of them to present a Petition to the Court out of which any Process against them respectively hath issued or to any two of the Judges of such Court (exhibiting at the same Time an Account and Inventory of all Monies owing by and of all Estate real and personal belonging, and of all Debts due to them respectively.) praying to be discharged from his or her said Imprisonment, upon which Petition being so presented such Court may by Rule or Order of Court it shall be in Term Time or if in the Vacation any two of the Judges thereof by Warrant under their Hands and Seals directed to the Goaler in whose Custody he or she is may order such Prisoner to be brought up, and being so brought up administer to him or her the following Oath, (to wit)

"I A. B. do solemly swear that the Account by me now delivered is a just and true Account of all my Creditors, and the Monies owing to them respectively by me to the best of my knowledge and Remembrance, and that the Inventory and Account now delivered by me is a just and true Account of all my Estate real and personal both in Law and equity either in possession Reversion or Remainder (the necessary wearing Apparel of myself and Family immediately under my Care excepted) and I have not directly or indirectly, sold, leased assigned or otherwise disposed of or made over either in Trust for myself or otherwise except as set forth in the same Account, any part of my Estate Real and Personal for my future Benefit or in order to defraud my Creditors, so help me God."

Which Oath being so taken as aforesaid if Proof shall be made to the said Court or Judges that Notice has been given in one or more of the Public News Papers of this Colony (which the said Debtors are hereby required to do in Order to entitle them to the Benefit of this Act) by such Debtor of his or her intending to apply to such Court or Judges for his or her Discharge at least three Weeks before such Application made, and if the Truth of such Oath shall be denied or controverted; the Court of Judges may appoint some further Day or hearing what can be alledged on either Side, and either remand the Prisoners or discharge them after such further hearing in Manner herein after directed; but if such Oath shall not be denied or controverted, then such Court or Judges as aforesaid may immediately order the Lands Goods and Effects contained in such Accounts to be by a short indorsment on the Back of such Petition subscribed by the Prisoner assigned to the said Creditors or to any one or more of them in Trust for his or her Creditors, or to some proper Person to be by the said Court or Judges appointed in Trust for all the Creditors, and also for all Attornies Sheriffs, and other Officers of the Court with the Goaler as to their Fees in any Causes depending against such Debtor, for which Fees such Officers shall come in only as Creditors, and abate in the same proportion, by which Assignment all the Estate of the said Debtors respectively shall instantly vest according to the purport of such Assignment, and such of it as is in possession of any person shall be recoverable in the Name of Names of such Trustees who are hereby fully authorized to dispose of and execute good and sufficient Deeds for the same or any Part thereof, and after six Months previous Notice published in one of the Public News Papers of such Assignment, and requiring all the Creditors to send in their Demands, to divide and distribute as well the Monies thence arising, as such other Monies which shall come into their Hands by virtue of this Act, among the Creditors of the said Debtors respectively, and the Officers aforesaid to whom any Fees may be due in proportion to their respective Debts or Demand according to the true Intent and meaning of this Act: which Assignment being made, and all the Lands Goods and Effects in the Debtors possession according to such Inventory being delivered to such Trustee or Trustees the said Prisoner shall be discharged out of the Custody by order of Court if such Court shall be sitting, or by Order of such Judges if in Vacation Time, and such Order as aforesaid shall be sufficient Warrant to the Sheriff Goaler or Keeper, and he is hereby required to discharge the said Prisoner if detained for no other Causes than such mentioned in his or her said Petition: (PROVIDED that this Act shall not be construed to affect any Creditor or Creditors residing in Great Britain) and such Debtors or either of them shall never after be liable to be sued for any Matter or Cause accrued, or to have his or her Body or Estate taken in Execution upon any Judgement obtained, before such Discharge unless he or she shall be convicted or perjury in any Matter or Article contained in the said Oath.

AND BE IT FURTHER ENACTED by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Action or Suit shall be brought for any Thing done in pursuance of this Act, the Defendant or Defendants may plead the General Issue, and give this Act in Evidence, PROVIDED that this Act shall not authorize the Discharge of the said Debtors if he or she shall stand chargeable at the Suit of the Crown.

PROVIDED ALSO and be it further Enacted that if the said Debtors or either of them shall be convicted of wilful false swearing in any Matter or Article contained in the said Oath he or she shall be guilty of Felony, and suffer the Pains of Death without Benefit of Clery."

- from "The Colonial Laws of New York from the Year 1664 to the Revolution."

I suspect it was her brother-in-law that went to the Assembly in Catherine's aid. I find Catherine's destitution odd because her husband had left her all his household goods and the use of his lot and dwelling house (I assume this is the home on Wall street) for life. Subsequently her son, William, who must have had a fair amount of money since he left 250 pounds to friends and relations, had stipulated that "the rest of my personal estate is to be put at interest by my executors, and the interest and the rent of my house on Golden Hill to be paid to my mother . . ." Clearly, however, she had lived beyond her means.

Who were Catherine's benefactors, Jauncey and Rapalje?

In the mid-1770's Catherine's brother-in-law, Christopher, disgusted by the trend towards revolution, returned to England. Catherine was now alone.

On 30 January 1775 Catherine witnessed a will.

"In the name of God, Amen. I, Elizabeth Stollard, of City of New York, spinster, weak in body and contemplating the necessity of Death. I leave to my uncle, Michael Lourier, of N.Y. City, Cooper, 50l, but if I survive him said sum to be divided between his son Edward and daughter Mary. To my Aunt, Sarah Otis, widow of James Otis, who (if now alive) resides in the Colony of Connecticutt, 100l, two silver table spoons and my damask gown. To my Executor 50l to be for the use of my Aunt, Theodosia Gale, now living at Poughkeepsie, N.Y. To my kinsman, the Hon. John Tuder, Esq, 20l for a suit of mourning. To my Cousin Jane, daughter of Rev. Samuel Auchmuty, D.D., 10l. To the wife of William Bull and her daughter-in-law, Lucy Bull, 10l between them on account of the tenderness and attention they have shown me during my residence with them. To my beloved Couzen, Mary Auchmuty, two silver spoons, my silver shoe buckles, gold sleeve buttons, and three silk gowns. To my beloved Couzen, Jane Harison, widow of the late George Harison, Esq, two silver table spoons. Residuary estate real and personal to my Executor for his own use or any purpose he think fit.
Executor, Rev. Samuel Auchmuty, D.D., Rector of Trinity church
Dated January 30, 1775. Witnesses, Catharine Heysham, William Corbey, Michel McAnd. Proved July 29, 1785, when Lucy Bull, spinster, swore she witnessed the signing of the above will and relinguished her legacy therein. Administration granted the same day to Elisha Adams as the Executor had died."
- from "The John Watts DePeyster Publication Fund Series" Volume 37

In a report submitted to the Executive Council of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, William Heysham of Philadelphia, Catherine's brother-in-law, noted parenthetically that he had visited the "widow Heysham" in New York City in March 1775 to get Joseph Greswold Sr., a distiller and Loyalist living on Pearl street, to "render me an account which he had against Widow Heysham." Catherine would have been about 60 years old at the time. Clearly she continued to have problems with money. Note below that William had dealings with the Greswold family during the revolution that may reflect an enmity arising from this period.

I've found a snippet that mentions Catherine's name, but in what context I'm not yet certain. Apparently these were debts owed and the number of months allotted to resolve the issue.

". . . James [Beekman] granted only three months, to Gabriel William Ludlow [a dry goods merchant who made small purchases from James] only six months, to Peter Remsen "3 or 4 months," to Catherine Heysham three months, while in the case of a L10 purchase by Jane Durham James noted that the sum was to be . . . " - from "The Beekmans of New York in Politics and Commerce, 1647-1877" by Philip Lloyd White

Catherine may have died circa 1784. A deed was recorded in New York City on 20 May 1784 from Christopher & William Heysham etc. to John Mowatt. Another New York deed was recorded on 18 May 1785 from Christopher Heysham to Christian Shultz. - from "An Essay Towards an Improved Register of Deeds City and County of New York, to Dec. 31, 1799. Inc." Note that Thomas Heysham's son, William, had left his house on Golden Hill to his mother, Catherine, and, upon her death, to his uncles, William and Christopher. These deeds may mark the year of Catherine's death when her brothers-in-law divested their newly inherited property.

Thomas and Catherine's children were,
(21) William Heysham (c1740)
(21) Elizabeth Heysham (c1745)

He was born circa 1742 and died in 1766. This would make him about 23 years old when he wrote his will, below. The will clearly states he was the nephew of William and Christopher Heysham. I don't know if William was born in America or in England, in Lancaster. After the death of his father in 1751, William's uncles probably had a large influence on his life.

William was a student at King's College (later Columbia University) in New York from 1756-1757. Note that William's mother, Catherine, was an acquaintance of Samuel Auchmuty, the rector of Trinity church and a Governor of Kings College. The class entering in 1756 were,

Robert Watts
Phillip Livingston
John Marston
Isaac Wilkins
Samuel Bayard
Anthony Hoffman
Christopher Roosevelt (went into business)
Gilbert Livingston (left because of smallpox)
William Heysham (went into business)
George Spencer (left after two years)
Elihu Woodruff (left after one year)
Richard Jaques (left to physic)

Is it reasonable to expect that a 14 year old would be in university? Schooling then was not yet established in the rigid model of today and many young men, especially the sons of the rich, were schooled at home for some period. They usually entered college at a younger age then we would expect today. I've recently found information to corroborate this.

"Students admitted to King's College were substantially younger than elsewhere. Whereas the average entry age at Princeton was seventeen, it was fifteen at King's . . . Gouverneur Morris (class of 1763), who began his career at the College two months shy of thirteen, was by no means the youngest." - from "Stand, Columbia: A History of Columbia University in the City of New York, 1754-2004."

William did not graduate from Kings College. His record is annotated as "Went into business." Another source reads slightly different,

. . .
Anthony Hoffman
Christopher Roosevelt--In his 2nd year he went to Merchandize.
Gilbert Livingston--In his 2nd year he left the College on . . .
William Heysham--In his 2nd year he went to merchandize.
George Spencer--After about 2 years left the College.
Elihu Woodruff--After about a year left the College . . .
- from "Samuel Johnson, President of King's College: His Career and Writings"

"Went into business" was probably an apprenticeship with a merchant ship captain, similar to that of William P. Heysham, of Philadelphia, below. It is interesting to consider whether this move was due to a lack of interest in college, and a career in the law, or a sign of economic distress.

Another source has William Heysham, under the title "Matriculants Who Have Not Graduated," in the year 1760. This may mean that he was in the class of 1760, that is, this was when he was meant to graduate, but had left sometime before. Others of his class who did not graduate were,

"1760.
William Heysham
Richard Jaques.
Gilbert Livingston, Memb. 1st Prov. Congress, N.Y., from Dutchess Co., 1775; Memb. Constit. Conv. from N.Y. 177; Republican Presidential Elector 1800.
Christopher Roosevelt
George Spencer." - from "Catalogue of Matriculants Who Have Not Graduated, 1758-1897" by Columbia University

The will of William's father, Thomas, had named Thomas Duncan and James Tucker as executors, along with his mother, though Catherine was not identified by name. They probably also acted as guardians during his minority. While the following snippets are incomplete, I think they say that in 1760, when William was 18 years old, his guardians having died, William petitioned the Court of Chancery for a new guardian.

"The appointment of guardians in such cases depended on petitions presented to a court on behalf of minor heirs. By the early eighteenth century, the provincial Court of Chancery emerged as the primary judicial body concerned with minors' legal rights. Located in New York City this court received 168 requests for the appointment of guardians between 1691 and 1775. Seventy-five of these petitions (or 45 percent) concerned Manhattan residents.

The great majority of petitions concerning guardianship were presented during the late colonial era. The Chancery received 102 petitions, or 61 percent of all documented colonial cases, between 1756 and 1775. Eighty-eight requests (52 percent of the total) were dated between 1766 . . .

Though disinterested individuals occasionally served as guardians in these cases, it was more common for overseers to have some financial or personal relationship with the orphans' parents. Minors themselves looked for assistance from those persons who could be expected to protect their interests. William Heysham, an eighteen-year-old orphan, petitioned the Chancery in 1760 that George Duncan Ludlow, a city merchant, be appointed as his guardian. Ludlow's deceased father-in-law, Thomas Duncan, had previously served as an executor of the Heysham family estate. This case also indicates how the appointment of a legal guardian was often a last resort, a measure undertaken when other means of guidance were no longer possible. William Heysham himself only petitioned the Chancery after the death of his father's three executors--the boy's widowed mother and two family friends [footnote] 16. Unlike Dutch legal practice, the Court of Chancery recognized the . . ."

Footnote 16. "Ibid., 12. William Heysham's father, Thomas, had appointed Thomas Duncan as an executor of his will. Duncan referred to his son-in-law, George Duncan Ludlow, in his will. NY Wills, Liber 17:343-44, Jan. 11, 1750; Liber 22:197-98, Nov. 9, 1758. - pg 120

Seamen often selected executors who were of similar social background to themselves. Thomas Heysham, a prosperous mariner who owned a house and lot, appointed his two "friends," the wealthy merchants Thomas Duncan and James Tucker, as his executors." - pg 184
- from "Inheritance and Family Life in Colonial New York City" by Dave E. Narrett

In 1760 John Waddell made a will and a William Heysham witnessed the codicil of 18 February 1762. Since Thomas' brother William had fled New York in 1759, this must have been Thomas' son. He would have been about 22 years old and probably finishing the maritime apprenticeship I assume he began in 1758. Since Waddell was a mariner it is interesting to consider whether William may have been employed by him, or was even his apprentice, and thus readily available to witness this document.

"In the name of God, Amen. I, John Waddell, of New York, merchant, being of sound mind. "My body to be decently interred according to the Church of England method," at the discretion of my wife and executors. "I leave to my wife Anna the use of all estate during her widowhood, for her support and the support and education of my children, and that after a creditable and Genteel manner," until the youngest is of age, and if necessary, she has power to sell. If she dies before the distribution of estate, I request my friends, Peter Van Brugh Livingston and John Vander-spiegel, merchants, to be executors, and that my children, William, Henry, John, George, Mary, Anne and Sarah, may have a decent maintenance and creditable education. And if my wife should marry, they are to sell all. My wife is to have my horse and chaise and a negro slave, and 1/3 of the rest of my estate. I leave to my son William L20 over and above his share, "and also my Right in the Public Library in New York, in full bar for his claim as heir at Law." All the rest of my estate I leave to my wife and children, and I make my wife executor." Witnesses, William Ludlow, Cary Ludlow, George Ludlow. It was signed on 9 October 1760.

"Whereas since making my will I have purchased of Sarah Fitsoort by deed May 27, 1761, a tract of land in the Great Patent, being Lot 24 in Lot 2. I leave the same to my youngest son George "in consideration of his infirmity." If he dies, then it is to be sold as the rest of my estate." Witnesses to a New York will, William Heysham, Cary Ludlow, Barent De Freest. Dated February 18, 1762. Proved, June 9, 1762.

If William was a friend of Cary Ludlow it meant he had good contacts with the wealthiest class in New York City.

William, following his uncle's lead, was a merchant and mariner of New York City. His career, however, was more brief. The following was his Last Will and Testament,

The will above was probated on 11 June 1766 meaning that William had died not long before.

William had apparently not been married at the time of the will and the Thomas Heysham family name ended here. At one time, before finding this will had been proved, I had thought that his friendship with the Loyalist Ludlow's might show that William had returned to England with his uncle Christopher at the start of the Revolution. But that does not seem to be the case.

It is interesting that in this will William treated these three men like they were part of his family. Certainly these L50 bequests were not repayments of debts, but signs of familial interest.

The Morris Family (18) Richard Morris Richard left England after serving in Oliver Cromwell's army, became a merchant in Barbados, and emigrated to New York City when it was known, under the Dutch, as New Amsterdam. He purchased a tract of land in what is now the Bronx, which, along with other real estate, descended to his son, Lewis Morris. The New York estate was erected into a manor, called Morrisania, in 1697. Richard died in 1672. (19) Lewis Morris (1671) (18) Richard Morris He was born in 1671 and died in 1746. An early leader of New Yorks "Country" party and doughty champion of the popular cause in the colonial assemblies of New York and New Jersey against the "Court" party centered in the Governor's Council aligned with a string of supposedly corrupt and power-grabbing governors. Shown at right. (20) Lewis Morris Jr. (1698) (18) Richard Morris (19) Lewis Morris (1671) Lewis Sr.;s eldest son, was born in 1698 and died in 1762. He was the second lord of the manor and became judge of the high court of Admiralty. (20) Robert Hunter Morris (c1700) (18) Richard Morris (19) Lewis Morris (1671) Lewis Jr.'s brother, he was born circa 1700 and died in 1764. He was appointed Chief Justice of New Jersey in 1738 by his father and later became Governor of Pennsylvania in 1754. Protests from the western counties over his administration of frontier defenses resulted in his resignation in 1756. (21) Lewis Morris III (1726) (18) Richard Morris (19) Lewis Morris (1671) (20) Robert Hunter Morris (c1700) At left, he was the third and last lord of the manor. He was born in 1726 and died in 1798. He signed the Declaration of Independence. (21) Gouverneur Morris (1752) (18) Richard Morris (19) Lewis Morris (1671) (20) Robert Hunter Morris (c1700) At right, the half-brother of Lewis Morris III, was born in Morrisania in 1752. Probably the most distinguished member of the family. He attended King's College (later Columbia College and University) in New York City, graduating in 1768 at the age of 16. Three years later, after reading law in the city, he gained admission to the bar. When the Revolution came he was a patriot, despite misgivings about the possibility of mob rule. He was a member of the Continental Congress and a close friend of George Washington. He later worked with Robert Morris, the chief merchant of Philadelphia and Superintendent of Finance for the United States, to whom he was unrelated. He was one of the leading figures of the Constitutional Convention. He was Minister to France, replacing Thomas Jefferson, and later elected to the Senate. (21) Richard Morris (1730) (18) Richard Morris (19) Lewis Morris (1671) (20) Robert Hunter Morris (c1700) At left, he witnessed William Heysham's will. The brother of Gouverneur & Lewis Morris, he was born in 1730 and died in 1810. He was born in Morrisania, and was a judge of the Admiralty Court, like his father. He was appointed Chief Justice of the New York State Supreme Court in 1779 despite his lack of ardor for the Revolutionary cause. Morrisania was annexed to the city of New York as part of the Bronx in 1874. (22) Lewis Richard Morris (1760) (18) Richard Morris (19) Lewis Morris (1671) (20) Robert Hunter Morris (c1700) (21) Richard Morris (1730) The son of Richard Morris, he was born in 1760 and died in 1825. He was born in Scarsdale, New York and saw active service during the early part of the Revolution. He was Assistant to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs from 1781 to 1783. He established a manor at Springfield, Veront, was active in Vermont politics, and served as Representative in the U.S. Congress from 1797 to 1803.

William's house on Golden Hill was apparently a different property than that willed to his mother in his father's will of 1751. Note that Mrs. Heysham was living on Wall Street in 1759 when her brother-in-law used it as his New York City address.

The following is for a William Heysham, Mariner of New York, who had died by 1763; that is, at least three years before our William did in 1766. I can't imagine who this man might be. The easiest answer is that the indenture below has the date wrong, but that seems hard to credit. Others of this clan were also mariners, Robert and Richard, both of Liverpool, but I don't have any children for them.

Susannah Hickman was the widow of a William Heysham, mariner, of New York.

1763. "This Indenture made the twelth day of March in the third year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King defender of the faith and so forth, and in the year of our Lord One thousand Seven hundren and sixty three Between William Crillin of the City of New York mariner, and Mary his wife, and Susannah Heysham of the said City widow and Relict of William Heysham Late of the said City mariner deceased (Which said Mary Crillon and Susannah Heysham are the two daughters and heirs at law of Robert Hickman late of said City yeoman & Susannah his wife both deceased, which said Susannah Hickman was the only child and heir at law of John DeForrest and Susannah his wife both deceased and also niece and heir at law of Abraham Varlett also deceased, who was the only son of Nicholas Varlett Esqr. deceased, and which said Susannah DeForrest was also the only daughter of the said Nicholas Varlett and sister of the said Abraham Varlett) of the one part, and Robert Leake of the said City Esqr. of the other part witnesseth that for and in Consideation of the sum of One thousand and five hundred pounds Current money of the Province of New York to them the said William Crillen and Mary his wife and Susannah Heysham in hand well and truly paid by the said Robert Leake at or before the execution hereof the Receipt and payment where of are hereby acklnowledged They the said William Crillin and Mary his wife and Susannah Heysham Have and Each and Every of them Hath granted bargained sold aliened released Enfeoffed and Confirmed, and by their presents do and each and every of them Doth grant bargain sell alien release Enfeoff and Confirm unto the said Robert Leake (in his actual possession now being by virture of a bargain and Sale to him there of made for one whole year, by them the said William Crillin and Mary his wife and Susannah Heysham by Indenture [garbled] date the day next before the day of the date of their presents, and by force of the statute made for transferring were Into possession) and to him heir and assigns forever, All those Certain Tracts pieces parcells and lotts of land and ground Situate lying and being in the county of Bergen in the Province of New Jersey, whereof or whereunto all any or either of the aforementiioned ancestors of the said Mary Crillin and Suannah Heysham were or was [garbled] possessed or intitled in fee simple, and whereof or whereunto they the said William Crillin and Mary his wife and Susannah Heysham any or either of them now are, or is, as Descendents of heirs at law of the aforesaid . . . [endless legalese] . . .
[signed]
William Crillin
Mary Crillin
Susannah Heysham" - from "Colonial Conveyances East and West Jersey, 1664-1794"

Thomas Heysham's daughter. I do not know what became of her, but it is significant, I think, that she was not mentioned in her brother's will of 1765. Even if she had married by this time, which would have been likely, I would imagine that she would rate a comment. She probably died between 1751 and 1765.

(20) Captain John Easom (c1715) Or Hysham. I don't know who this was. In Yorkshire, at least, Easom was a variant of Heesom, which was a variant in Lancashire, of Heysham. If this is true, then John was the first member of the Heysham family to move to America, followed two years later by Thomas. John Easom was of New York City and, like the Heysham brothers, a ship's captain and occassional privateer. He commanded the CASTOR early as 1743. Captain John Brown and Philip Wilkinson, of Providence, Rhode Island, were the owners of the CASTOR and POLLUX, which had been built in 1742. The CASTOR and POLLUX were commanded, alternately, by Hugh Wentworth, John Easom, Richard Woolford and John Burgess. - from "State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations" by Edward Field. "According to Sheffield, Capt. John Brown and Phillip Wilkinson fitted out two privateers, the Castor and the Pollux in the summer of 1742 (at Newport, Rhode Island), and the "Boston News-Letter" described these vessels as "two fine new sloops." These two vessels saided in consort, or in concert with each other, and so were sometimes called "the concert sloops." - from "Rhode Island Privateers in King George's War" page 102, by Howard M. Chapin While referred to in several references as a sloop, the CASTOR was also called a brig and a brigantine. Today we normally think of a sloop as a single masted ship with a fore-and-aft rig, but in the early 18th century a naval sloop described the vessel's purpose rather than its size or configuration. CASTOR was probably a brig, with a courtesy title of sloop. The War of the Austrian Succession, known as King George's War in the Americas, occurred from 1740 to 1748. When France entered the war in 1744 colonial privateers out of New York began operating in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and in the West Indies. The incident below, aboard the sloops CASTOR and POLLUX, illustrates the rough justice of the lower decks. July 1743. "New York, July 25.--Saturday last the Men belonging to the Castor and Pollux Privateers, having found that a Person who had entered on board them two or three Days before was a Woman, they seized upon the unhappy Wretch and duck'd her Three Times from the Yard-Arm, and afterwards made their Negroes tarr her all over from Head to Foot, by which cruel Treatment, and the Rope that led her into the Water having been indiscreetly fastened, the poor Woman was very much hurt, and continues now ill.--N.Y. Weekly Post Boy, July 25, 1743." - from "Historical Index to the Manuals of the Corporation of the City of New York" by Samuel J. Willis Other sources note that these two ships employed both slaves and runaway slaves in their crews. "The Castor, Capt. John Burges, and the Pollux, Captain Eason, under their new commanders, sailed from St. Kitts early in March (1745). When off the west end of Porto Rico they fell in with four Spanish men-of-war and two merchantmen, and it was with the utmost difficulty that the privateers escaped. On May 9, 1745, off the west end of Porto Rico, they retook from a Spanish privateer a prize Irish snow, late Capt. Isiah Nichols, from Antigua for Virginia, which had been taken by the Spaniards on May 6. The Spanish privateer escaped by running in amoung the shoals, where the Castor and the Pollux dared not follow." - from "Rhode Island Privateers in King George's War" page 103, by Howard M. Chapin See also, "Tuesday last arrived at New York the sloops Castor and Pollux, Capt. Easom and Capt. Burgess, with a snow retaken from a Spanish privateer." - New York item of 10 June (13 June)" - from "Abstracts from Ben Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728-1748" by Kenneth Scott "On March 5, 1745-6 [1746], a little to the windward of Hispaniola, the Castor and the Pollux, under the aforesaid commanders, in consort with the Diana of Bermuda, Capt. Skinner, captured the French ship St. Joseph de Egypte, 200 tons, 12 gunds and 35 men, Capt. Jacob Martiene, bound from Marseilles for Cape Francois. She was laden with wine, oil, soap, candles, beeswax and clothes and was convoyed by the Pollux into New York, where they arrived on Tuesday, April 1, 1746" - from "Rhode Island Privateers in King George's War" page 104, by Howard M. Chapin This incident was also referenced as, "The Diana next cruised with the consort privateers Castor, Capt. John Burges and the Pollux, Captain Eason, and, on March 5, 1745/46, to the windward of Hispaniola, took the French ship St. Joseph de Egipte, 200 tons, 12 guns, 35 men, Capt. Jacob Martiene, bound from Marseilles for Cape Francois, with a cargo of wine, oil, soap, beeswax candles and clothes. The Pollux convoyed the prize to New York, while the Diana and Castor cruised in quest of a fleet of French merchantmen."- from "Privateering in King George's War: 1739-1748" page 124, by Howard. M. Chapin I can only guess that the following dates are actually in 1746, vice 1745. "The privateers overtook their new quarry and captured her off Cape San Antonio on May 7. She was a French ship of about 200 tons, bound from Port Louis for The Havana, for convoy to France with 260 hogsheads of brown sugar, 22,000 weight of indigo, 30 scroons of coca and 15 bales of cotton. The privateers convoyed the prize to New York, where they all arrived on Friday, May 31, 1745. The prize was probably the ship St. Almanzar, which was libelled on June 7. The privateer Castor, Capt. John Burgis and the Pollux, Capt. John Easen or Eason, either particpated in the capture of the St. Almanzar, or were within sight at the time of the capture, as they claimed a share in the prize, and also a share in the china and dry good taken out of the brigantine Friendship, which was evidently captured by the Clinton and Mary Anne on this cruise." - from "Privateering in King George's War: 1739-1748" page 150, by Howard. M. Chapin "An English sloop, with rum, sugar, and salt, retaken, and sent into New York, by the Castor and Pollux of that place." - from "The Scots Magazine" of 1746 by James Boswell. "The Sloops Castor and Pollux According to Sheffield, Capt. John Brown and Philip Wilkinson fitted out two privateers, the Castor and the Pollux, in the summer of 1742, and the "Boston News-Letter" described these vessels as "two fine new sloops". The Castor was commanded by Capt. Hugh Wentworth of Bermuda, who had served as a private in 1737-8 in Capt. Cornelius Van Home's company in the New York militia, and who two years later commanded a New York privateer. The Pollux was commanded by Capt. Richard Woolford, who in 1741 commanded a St. Christopher privateer. These two vessels sailed in consort, or in concert with each other, and so were sometimes called "the concert sloops"." "The Castor, Capt. John Burges, and the Pollux, Captain Easom or Eason, under their new commanders, sailed from St. Kitts early in March. When off the west end of Porto Rico they fell inwith four Spanish men-of-war and two merchantmen, and it was with the utmost difficulty that the . . ." - from "Rhode Island Privateers in King George's War" by Howard M. Chapin. "A large French ship, with 400 hogsheads of sugar, from Guardalupe [sic], sent into St. Kits by the Castor and Pollux, two Privateers of the Island." "The Venus, and the Molly, both from Martinico, carried into St. Kitts by the Castor and Pollux, privateers." - from "The Gentleman's Magazine" of 1744 The CASTOR and POLLUX continued to sail together. "The Privateers Brig Castor, Capt. Eisom, and Sloop Pollux, Capt. Burges, are both fell down [?] in order to proceed on a Cruize against his Majesty's Enemies. -- N.Y. Weekly Post Boy, August 26, 1745" - from "Historical Index to the Manuals of the Corporation of the City of New York" by Samuel J. Willis "Privateers brigantine Castor, Capt. Easom, and sloop Pollux, Capt. Burges - have left New York to proceed on a cruize (29 Aug.)" [undated] - from "Abstracts from Ben Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728-1748" by Kenneth Scott "English ships present were brigantine Castor, of New York, Capt. Easom, and Capts Burgess [Pollux] and Skinner (29 May) [c1746?]" - from "Abstracts from Ben Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728-1748" by Kenneth Scott John Eason married Catherine, the daughter of Noel Cazalet [Cozelet, Coralet], on 10 June 1746. They were married in the Dutch Reformed Church of New York [?]. This was her second marriage, her first husband being Samuel Shurmur/Shurman, merchant, by whom she had a daughter, Mary. Might Shurmur have been of the Dutch church and Catherine converted? Noel Cazelet was a Huguenot who fled Montpellier, France after 1685, arriving in New York in 1702. Noel married Elizabeth Ony and had four surviving children baptized at the French Huguenot Church in New York City: Peter, John, Noel, and Catherine. Noel was a merchant/periwig maker/barber. In 1746 Captain Easom was famously involved in an attack on a Spanish flag-of-truce. "New Jersey did not participate very much in privateering. A small privateer schooner, manned with 15 or 16 men, commanded by Captain Hysham, and "commissioned from the Jersies," lay in wait on October 19, 1746, off Sandy Hook, for a flag-of-truce bound from New York for the Havana. Captain Hysham fired two swivel guns at the flag-of-truce, which forwith struck, and was conveyed into Perth Amboy as a prize upon the claim that she was an illicit trader." - from the chapter on New York Privateers in "Privateering in King George's War, 1739-1748" page 175, by Howard M. Chapin This is the one reference that uses the Hysham spelling. Interestingly, it was Howard Chapin who used the Easom spelling above, in "Rhode Island Privateers in King George's War." A "flag-of-truce" ship was one that had been given the right to enter an enemy port. In this case a Spanish ship carrying prisoners of war, recently released by the British in New York City in exchange for British troops that had been brought up from Havana. The topic of the chapter appears to be transgressions by privateers. On the same page is the story of a privateer taking prizes after the war was over. Thomas firing on a flag-of-truce would have been a serious breach of the admittedly elastic rules of privateers. The life of a privateer could be lucrative, but was also dangerous. The crews tended to become piratical and difficult for their captains to control. Gustavus Conyngham, probably the most successful privateering captain of the Revolutionary War, was strong willed, but even he was forced by his crew to take and keep a Scandanavian neutral, even though he knew it might cause him to be hung as a pirate. Sometimes captains themselves became piratical and governments closed their eyes to it. During the 1740's Captain Robert Troup of New York stopped a Danish neutral and robbed a Spanish merchant onboard of 8,000 pieces of eight. While this clearly overstepped the boundary between privateering and piracy, Troup was not prosecuted. However, sometimes governments were forced to take action. On 14 July 1746 Arthur Helme, also of New York, was denied a new commission of marque because he had plundered a French flag of truce. By the way, a John Hyson shows up among able seamen who were privateers from Massachusetts. John Easom was in command of the schooner RANGER when he attacked the flag-of-truce, the sloop ST. MIGEL, commanded by Joseph Espinoza "Midway between Governor's Island and the Narrows, within the jurisdiction of the New York government, Espinosa's sloop was attacked and captured by the New York privateer "Ranger," John Easom, or Easoner, commander. Espinoza produced the Governor's certificate, but Easom ignored it and took the Spanish sloop into Perth Amboy, New Jersey." - from "Catholic Footsteps in Old New York" by William Harper Bennett Captain Espinoza complained to Governor Clinton, who had given him the pass through the British privateers which Captain Easom chose to ignore, having himself a commision from the Judge of Admiralty of the province of New Jersey. The New York authorities were outraged and pulled John Easom before the Council. In John's defense, he had received information of "sundry Goods & Merchandize being shipped on board his Flag of Truce by some persons of New York," that is contraband which, presumably, were outside the protection of the flag of truce. The dates below are probably based on the Julian calendar while those above were from the Gregorian. They should probably read 1747. 15 July 1746. "Examination of witnesses Hugh Wentworth and John Easom on the petition of Joseph Espinosa." 3 November 1746. "Joseph Espinosa, master of a Spanish flag of truce, captured by Capt. Easom; order thereon." 4 November 1746. "Examination of Joseph Espinoza; John Easom and Michael Beazley to be arrested." 6 November 1746. "Examinations of John Easom and Michael Beazley; they are committed for trial." - from the "Calendar of Council Minutes 1668-1783" by Berthold Fernow and Arnold Johan Captain Michael Beazley and a Captain Tingley appear to have been owners of the RANGER, along with Easom. Hugh Wentworth is mentioned above as an early captain of the CASTOR. "The examination of John Eason of the City of New York Marriner, taken before a Committee of his Majesties Council for the province of New York At the Council Chamber in the said City on the fifth day of November 1746. The said John Easom says That he lately had a Comission from the Judge of Admiralty of the Province of New Jersey as Commander of the Privateer Ranger a two Mast Boat, Burthen about five or six Tons belonging the port of New York. That one Acklin was his Lieutenant That himself Captain Tingley and Captain Beasley fitted out the said boat, having first [fixed?] at a Certain Sum to be paid for Each day they should keep the said Boat in their Service. That on Sunday the 14 of October last, The Examinate being in the aforesaid boat with eleven or twelve white men and three or four Negroes Took a certain Sloop that Came as a Flag of Truce from the Havana and was then on her Return from New York to that place as he beleives [sic] of which Sloop one Espinoza was Master or Commander, That at the time of taking her the Examinate was near the Watering place on the Staten Island Shore, That the Examinate as soon as he came on board the Flag of Truce asked the said Espinoza by one Michael Beesley who was Interpreter between them what Goods or Merchanizes he had on Board and desired him to deliver up his papers. [and so forth]" - from "Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey" The flag of truce was provided by the Governor of Havana and had allowed Espinoza to bring English prisoners to New York for exchange. Perhaps reflecting Captain Easom's problems the CASTOR sailed under the command of John Burges. "The privateer sloop Castor, under the command of Capt. John Burges, sailed in consort with the Pollux, Capt. Jeremiah Leacraft, in the autumn of 1746 and captured the ship Endeavor, which they brought into New York in Oct. They soon sailed again and cruised in consort with the Triton of New York."- from "Privateering in King George's War: 1739-1748" page 124, by Howard. M. Chapin I had thought the following referred to a cruise by John Easom, but based on the citation above the ships were probably under the command of Burges and Leacraft. ". . . the brigantine Triton (Capt. Francis Rosewell) sailed later in 1746 under Capt. Abraham Man, and captured the French snow Boree, which she sent to New York in September. Later she fell in with the Castor and the Pollux, cruised in consort with them and, on Nov. 4, 1746, off old Cape Francois, fought a large French storeship of 10 guns and over 70 men with several stands of arms for the army in Canada. After a rather lenghy fight, they finally drove her ashore, and she surrendered. The privateers were unable to float her, so they transferred part of her cargo to themselves and carried it to Turks Island. They started back to the wreck to get the rest of her cargo, but, on the way, on Nov. 24, met two French ships of twenty guns each, which they took after a nine hour battle. The Castor had eight killed and twelve wounded, but the Triton suffered no casualties. Their prizes were bound from Bourdeaux for Cape Francois. The Pollux was so badly damaged in the engagement, that she went to Bermuda to refit, where she arrived before Feb. 19, 1747. The Triton arrived at New York on Dec. 28, 1746, and one of the prizes the St. Margaret alias Marguerite of Bordoux, 250 tons, 18 guns, laden with wine, flour, iron and drygoods arrived on March 4, 1747, having been at sea ever since her capture on Nov. 24. The other prize was the ship Fort Lewis which reached New York in March. The brigantine Triton, under her old commander, Captain Rosewell, went back into the merchant service, and was again at New York on July 27, 1747." - from "Cazalet Family Tree and Genealogy" Perhaps it's just as well that John Easom was not in command at this time, per the report below. "Affidavits made by Bernard Eyraud, surgeon, and Jean Dupuy, second lieutenant, of the French ship "Marguerite," of Bordeaux, indicate the heartlessness and inhumanity of the commissioned pirates, known as privateersmen, who hailed from New York in that day. The two French officers testified that their ship was attacked and captured by the New York privateers "Triton," "Castor," and "Pollux," and that Eyraud, Dupuy and thirteen others of the crew were put into a small boat, without a compass, somewhere off the island of Cuycos, and left to shift for themselves . . . The New York authorities investigated the case, and the Advocate-General prosecuted Captain Abraham Man of the "Triton," John Burgess of the "Pollux" and the captain, "unknown," says the record, of the "Castor." It is an odd coincidence that one of the two captains who commanded the "Castor" between 1743 and 1748 was John Easom of Espinoza capture notoriety." - from "Catholic Footsteps in Old New York" by William Harper Bennett So, to defend the honor of Captain Easom, here's hoping the CASTOR was sailing under Captain Leacroft. However, by 1748, Captain Easom was privateering again. August 1748. "A French ship for Hispaniola, of 18 guns, 45 men, worth 20,000l. taken by a little schooner of New York, 6 guns, 45 men, Capt. Eason, and carry'd into Jamaica." - from "The Gentleman's Magazine" John made out a will in November 1747 in preparation for a voyage. John died and the will was proved in 1751. "In the name of God, Amen, I, John Eason, of New York, mariner. I leave to my wife Catharine all my estate, real and personal, during her life, and then to Mary Shurman, only daughter of John Shurman, deceased, "issue of my present wife, Catharine Eason." I make my wife and Mr. John Groesbach executors (not dated). - from "Collections, Volume 28" by the New York Historical Society Witnesses, Theophilus Ellsworth, Ann Man. Proved December 2, 1751, upon affidavit of Theophilius Ellsworth, of New York, and Ann Man, of Bergen County, New Jersey. The latter deposes that "she remembers that John Eason went to sea as Commander of a private vessell of War, from New York, in November, 1747, and that he executed the will about three weeks or a month before his departure." John Man and Isaac Man were appointed administrators December 2, 1751, Catherine Eason and John Groesbach being both deceased." - from "Collections, Volume 28" by the New York Historical Society - John Groesbach [Groesbeck] was a merchant of New York City and a neighbor of John Easom. His will was proved in 1752. - Theophilus Ellsworth, mason, was a large landowner in the colony and operated a ferry between Manhattan and Long Island circa 1731; his family, though English, had come to the city in Dutch times. - Ann Man was probably Annatje Jefres, who married Isaac Man, a large land owner, in September 1747. John Man was probably Isaac's father, who was living until at least 1755. Note that Abraham Man was a privateer of New York City. In 1752 a new arrival from England, Edward Andrews, a cutler, opened "a Shop in the House, late in the Possession of Mrs. Easom, next door to Mrs. Groesbeck's near the Merchants Coffee-House. . ." - from "American Armamentarium Chirurgicum" by George Tieman Note that John Groesbeck had been an executor of John Easom's will. It is also interesting that Mrs. Groesbeck, Anne Bayeaux, was a Hugenout, like Mrs. Easom, Catherine Cazalet. The Merchant's Coffee House was, before 1772, on the northwest corner of Wall and Water streets. Water street was then known as Queen street. In 1772 the coffee house moved to a newer building, diagonally across the street. Catherine Heysham, Thomas' widow, kept a house on Wall street frequented by Christopher Heysham, her brother-in-law. The Merchants Coffee House, at the right, after 1772. The scene is looking east, down Wall Street, at the corner with Water Street. Thomas and William Heysham were in New York City by January 1747. If John had been their elder brother, wouldn't he have mentioned them in his will, as executors or witnesses if not heirs? (20) William Easom (c1700) A William Easom was referenced in a will of New Jersey. It is not clear who the inventory below was for, but his list of debtors was three pages long, one of whom was William. "1732-3, March 4. Inventory of estate, "as appears by a list of debts as they now stand upon his book," viz.: Johanners Anderson, . . . William Easom, . . ." - from the "Calendar of New Jersey Wills, Administrations, etc." Volume 2 It is not possible to tell what part of New Jersey this inventory was from. Debtors included men from towns around Trenton, including Maidenhead, Hopewell, Amwell, Stoneybrook (today's Princeton), and Crosswicks, as well as Bucks county, across the river in Pennsylvania. The men I recognize include the sons of Daniel Coxe of Trenton, Maurice Trent of Trenton, and the Scholey's of Burlington county. However, there were also men from northeastern New Jersey as well.

William Heysham, the son of William Heysham Sr. and Dorothy Postelthwaite, was born in Lancaster, Lancashire, England and christened on 26 February 1721 in Saint Mary's church, next to the great castle above the town. He probably spent his childhood living at Number 31 St. Leonardsgate road, his grandfather's house, on the east side of town, just above the Lune river. The Heyshams of Lancaster were a family of merchants, and had been so since the 1300s. While Lancaster had long been a seaport, it had begun to silt up and most of the west coast traffic had moved down to Liverpool.

All of William Heysham Sr's surviving sons became ships' captains - Thomas, William, Christopher, Giles, Robert and Richard. According to notes left by a descendent, Theodore Heysham, William and his brother, Christopher, initially operated out of Hull, Yorkshire, on England's North Sea coast. William came to America in the mid-1740's with his brother, Thomas, settling in New York City as merchant ships' captains.

I think it probable that William kept a foot in England [at Hull?] for the first few years of his trade with America. It may have been only in 1752, when he married, that New York City became his primary residence.

In Januarry 1747 William Heysham was a witness to the following New York will, along with Thomas, his brother, and Catherine, Thomas' wife:

"In the name of God, Amen. I, Arthur Helme, of the City of New York, mariner, this twenty-sixth day of January, 1747, do make this Will and Testament. All my just debts and funeral expenses to be paid. I leave to my dear and loving wife Jane the rents, issues, and profits of all my real estate during her widowhood, in order for her better maintenance and support, and the better to enable her to educate, bring up and maintain my children. After the remarriage or death of my wife, all my real estate to go to my well-beloved children, William, Francis, Benjamin, Jane, and George Helme, and unto the child or children wherewith my wife now goeth and is pregnant, to each an equal part. The interest of all my personal estate to be used toward educating, maintaining, and bringing up my children, until they arrive at majority or marriage, then my personal estate to go to my wife. I make my dear and loving wife Jane, and my loving and good friends John Coe and William Helme, executors.

Witnesses, Thomas Heysham, William Heysham, Catherine Heysham. Proved, October 29, 1781." - from "Abstracts of Wills on File in the Surrogate's Office: City of New York"

William, with his elder brother Thomas, was included in the list of Freemen of New York City.

"List of Freemen
1747
. . .
William Haysham
. . .
1748
. . .
Thomas Heysham
. . ." - from the "History of the City of New York" by David Thomas Valentine, 1853, page 391-392

"Freemen, 1746-7.
March 31st
. . .
William Haysham, Shipwright [sic]
. . .
Freemen, 1747-8.
March 15th
. . .
Thomas Haysham, Marriner" - from "The Burghers of New Amsterdam and the Freemen of New York. 1675-1866"

Others of William's brothers, Giles and Christopher, also sailed into American ports, operating out of Liverpool and Lancaster. In Liverpool two more brothers, Robert and Richard, sailed ships on the coast-wise trade. The next item, though it does not say so, is probably about Giles.

"1747 [First month] . . . 30th. A Lovely day. Waited upon the Governor [footnote: George Thomas, a planter in the West Indies, assumed the govenorhsip of Pennsylvania by appointment of the Penn brothers in 1738] in the morning with a Register four [for] our new Snow [a kind of ship] Prince William, wth he readily sign'd, & wish'd us Good Success with her. Then I went to my plantation. In the afternnon saw Comp go to Sam Parr's, so I walk'd over to see them, & after drinking Tea there, they came & spent some time with me, vis. Jn Kinsey, Jacob Giles, Is Pemberton, Junr, Capt Heysham, & I. Green-" - from "Hannah Logan's Courtship, A True Narrative: The Wooing of the Daughter of James Logan, Colonial . . ." by John Smith.

"Snow JANE, Giles Heysham commander, will sail for Liverpool; for freight or passage agree with Israel Pemberton, Jr., or said commander." - from "The Philadelphia Gazette: of 30 April 1747

A Snow The largest of the two-masted ships in the 18th century, the Snow was known for being 'extremely convenient for navigation' (Culver 1935: 235). The sails and rigging on its two masts are similar to those of the main and fore-masts of a ship-rigged (three-masted) vessel. However, unlike a Brig, a third, smaller mast was stepped onto the deck and held a trysail (similar to a mizzen sail on a ship-rigged vessel). The Snow was very similar in rigging to the Brig, and some vessels (known as hermaphrodites) could be changed from Brig to Snow and vice-versa with minor modifications.

William was sailing the CHARMING SALLY out of New York, and from Orkney and Boston, as early as 1749.

"Charming Sally of New York, master William Heysham, from Orkney to Boston, New England, in September 1749, in May 1750, in April 1751, and in May 1754; Captain Taylor, from Stomness, Orkney, to New York on 14 July 1763 . . ." - from "Scottish Highlanders on the Eve of the Great Migration 1725-1775" by David Dobson.

William was, while living in New York City, in the employ of two New York City merchants, George Folliot and James Depeyster.

"George Folliot owned the brig Charming Sally (James McLaughlin, master) and the snow Harison (Mathew Paterson, master) in partnership with George Hanson; the snow Speedwell (William Heysham, master) in partnership with James DePeyster, a wealthy New York merchant outside the Irish circle; the brig John & William (Thomas Moore, master) in partnership with George Bryan, . . ." - from "Refiguring Ireland: Essays in Honor of L.M. Cullen" by David Dickson

From The Philadelphia Gazette of 14 September 1749,

"Capt. Davis from Hamburgh reports that the ship JACOB sailed for New York with 300 Palatines and Capts. Tanner and Heysham before him; Capt. Griffiths of New York has arrived in England and Capt. Randel of New York at Amsterdam."

The following reads like an episode out of a Patrick O'Brian novel. From the Pennsylvania Gazette of 19 July 1750, a New York item.

"Last Friday morning arrived here the brigt. Charming Molly, Capt. Vardil, in 42 days from the Bay of Honduras, from whence he sailed in company with Capt. Heysham, and Capt. Ross, both of this Port, and Capt. Tucker of Bermuda: By him we have advice, That a Spanish galley, of two 9 pounders, and 14 swivel guns, with 30 oars, and 123 men, from the Havanna, had paid those parts a visit, and on the 6th of May, had taken a tender belonging to Capt. Heysham, as she was coming from New river: The tender killed one of the Spaniards, and wounded six more, before she struck, and the Spaniards killed one of the men afterwards: ----The latter end of May, the galley came off the Bay, and took Capt. Kattur, in a ship from Philadelphia; on board of whom they put 12 men, and sent her with her captain, and 8 of his men, with three women passengers, to the Havannah, after taking out eight of Capt. Kattur's men: ---The Baymen then fitted out a privateer, and went after the galley, and on the 7th of June they came up with her; but she did not care to stand trial, and thereupon quitted Capt. Heysham's tender, and made off, after throwing 4 carriage guns overboard, which they had put on board her, to use her as a consort. The 8th of June, as Capt. Vardil was on his way home, in company with Capt. Heysham , he saw the galley at anchor under the land; on which he and Capt. Heysham, made after her; but she immediately weigh'd anchor, and run for it: Soon after Capt. Vardil seeing a smoak on shore, on a maroon key, sent his boat armed and brought off nine of Capt. Heysham's men, with eight of Capt. Kattur's, which the Spanish had set on shore there, without victuals or water."

Captain Heysham ferried German emigrants to America, circa 1750.

"Fur andere Schiffskapiten scheint ohnliches gegolten zu haben. Diejenigen der vier Schiffe, die ausser der "Irene" im Jahre 1753 in New York landeten, nomlich die Kapitane Mallum, Heysham, Seymour und Pickemann, waren alle in New York beheimatet."

[Translation] This seems to have been the case for other ship captains. Those of the four ships, which landed in New York in 1753, besides the Irene, captains Mallum, Heysham, Seymour, and Pickemann, were all resident in New York.

[footnote] ² "Kapitan Mellum findet in der Boston Gazette vom 15 August 1749 Erwahnung, wo berichtet wird, er sei, aus Curacao kommend, in New York angelangt. Arsdrucklich als in New York beheimatet wird Capt. Heysham in einer weiteren Meldung der Gazette vom 24 Juli 1750 erwahnt . . ." - from "Die deutsche Auswanderungswelle in die britischen Kolonien Nordamerikas" by Andreas Brinck

[Translation] Captain Mellum is mentioned in the Boston Gazette of 15 August 1749, where it was reported that he had arrived in New York from Curacao. Expressly as in New York is home to Capt. Heysham in another report of the Gazette of 24 July 1750.

From The Philadelphia Gazette of 13 September 1751, a New York item mentions "Capts. Heysham, Garrison, Pickeman, Lickly and Jefferson." Since three of these captains were known to be in the business of transporting German emigrants, I'll assume this Captain Heysham is the same one mentioned above.

William married "an American lady whom he met on one of his former visits [to an American port while still a merchant in Hull, England]." William married Mary Oaks in New York City on 3 May 1752 in Trinity Church Parish, New York City. In some sources he is shown to have married Mary circa 1755 in Philadelphia. This may be a simple misunderstanding based on William and Mary's later residence in that city. Mary was born in 1723 and died on 24 [or 27] March 1791 in Philadelphia in the 68th year of her life.

The following item from 1753 seems to show that the Captain Heysham in the German trade above was William.

"Custom House, New York, Inward Entries. Sloop Morning Star, John Bennet from Boston. Sloop Charlestown, John Schermerhorn, and Sloop Polly, Patrick Mitchel, from S. Carolina. Schooner Jolly Robin, William Sambach from Spanish town, in Virgin Islands. Schooner Providence, N. Bowers from Canary Islands. Brig Charming Sally, W. Hysham, from Bremen, in Hanover Dominions. Snow Johannes, R. Pikeman from Deal. Snow Irene, N. Garrison, from London." - from The Pennsylvania Gazette of 20 September 1753

The following is from an advertisement in the New York Mercury of 8 October 1753 and shows Captain Heysham living on Broad Street, in New York City. Thomas Heysham's widow lived on Wall Street.

"Plain Work.--Lately arriv'd in this city from Great Britain, Mrs. Mary Gray, who professes teaching all sorts of Plain Work in the Neatest manner, Dresden work in all its varieties; Ladies capuchins, and childrens frocks in the newest fashion. Ladies that hav a desire of seeing any of her work, may see it at Capt. Heysham's, in the upper end of Broad-Street, near the City-Hall, where the said Mrs. Gray Teaches. Likewise teaches to work ladies gloves."

There is a snippet from "New York City Court Records, 1684-1760" by Kenneth Scott showing "Heysham, William - 6 Nov. 1753." This appears to refer to his duty as a Grand Juror. His brother, Christopher, served a similar duty in 1759.

From The Philadelphia Gazette of 19 February 1754, "Arrived at Charles Town, South Carolina, from December 10, 1753, to January 22, 1754. Arnott, Parish, Abercrombie, Read and Mason from Philadelphia: Heysham and Jeffery from New York; Elwell, Trout and Burgess from Boston; Tripp and Andrew from Rhode Island." While I'm assuming that the citations above were for William, this was probably Giles, who had a lot of business in Charleston working for Henry Laurens.

The following newspaper reference of 28 March 1754 indicates that the house Captain Heysham was living in on Broad Street was rented from Garret Burger.

"Burger, Garret, late of NYC, dec'd--three houses belonging to his estate to be sold: one situated in Wyncoop St., next door to Adrian Bancker; another in Broad St., near the City Hall in the tenure of Capt. Heysham; the third in Broad St., in the tenure of Mrs. Anne Verplank; apply to Johannah Man, executrix, or Thomas Oakes (3/28)." - from "Genealogical Data from Colonial New York Newspapers" by Kenneth Scott

William continued to captain CHARMING SALLY in 1754.

"CHARMING SALLY OF NEW YORK, master William Heysham, from Kirkwall, Orkney, to New York 13 May 1754" - from "Ships from Scotland to America, 1628-1828"

Voyages could be long and hazardous:

"Last Week arrived at Sandy Hook, and has since gone up to Amboy, the Brig Charming Salley, Captain Heysham, of this port, from Hamburgh, having had a passage of sixteen Weeks from Land to Land, in which they were reduced to the short Allowance of a Bisket a Day per man for a great while, and in all Probabilty some of them would have perished, had they not met with a Boston Vessel a few Weeks ago, who help'd them to a small Supply. The last Piece of Meat they had was dressed the Day they got into the Hook."

"The New York Mercury of the same date says: "Last Week Captain Heysham of this Port arrived here from Holland, but last from Dover, after a very tedious Passage of 17 Weeks; 'tis said had their last piece of Meat in the Pot when they got into the Hook."" - from the New York Gazette

From The Philadelphia Gazette of 23 July 1754, a New York item of 22 July mentions 'Capts. Heysham, Nathaniel Magee, Cox, Weslade, Russel, Rush, Frattels, Dixon, Homer, Breesttand, Gifford, Crane, Anderson, Jennets, Heyslip and Miller.'

From The Philadelphia Gazette of 24 October 1754, a New York item mentions 'Capts. Thomas, Jermain, Askin, Morrison, Jones, Clymer, Lyon, Thompson, Nicholls, Frazier, Cotton, Mataseur, Cochran, Pearse, Roome, Heysham, Ketteltas and Quereau.'

From The Philadelphia Gazette of 3 April 1755, a New York item mentions 'Capts. Proby, Drumgold, Lewis, Harris, Brasher, Scot Lawrence, R. Thomas, Hill, Wright, Emott, Heysham, Albouy, Tudor, Donaldson, Jones, Byvank, Masterson, Strange, Burger and Fry.'

In the Pennsylvania Gazette of 10 April 1755, a New York item mentions 'Capts. Heysham and Augustine Lawrence and General Pepperell.'

"Captain Heysham, in a Brig, in 20 Days from St. Eustatia, informs us, That Capt. Augustine Lawrence, of this Port, having sprung his Boom in his Passage to Coracoa, put into that Island to refit; but proceeded on his Voyage in two Days after. About 40 leagues to the Eastward of the Capes of Delaware, ten Days ago, Capt. Heysham spoke with a Snow from Philadelphia, bound to Cork, all well on board."

"Saturday last a Snow arrived here from Virginia, with Cloathing, Arms, &c. for General Pepperell's Regiment of Foot, now raising in this, and the neighbouring Provinces."

Sir William Pepperell, General Originally a merchant and colonel in the York county, Massachusetts militia. In 1745 he led a highly successful expedition against Louisbourg, a French fortress at Cape Breton. He was created a Baronet for his success. The only native of America who, down to this day, has been raised to an hereditary English title. He died before the Revolutionary War.

In 1756 war between England and France broke out, initiated in the backwoods of America when forces under George Washington were defeated by the French, who were trying to establish their presence at what is now Pittsburgh. This was the Seven Years War, or the French & Indian Wars as it is called in America.

During this war period a Captain Hysham, either William or Christopher, below, sailed for Thomas Greg & Waddell Cunningham, merchants of Belfast and New York, respectively. An Archibald Cunningham was a partner with George Folliot, William's employer. Were these two Cunningham's related? If so this could be William, otherwise, based on the Irish connection, I'd opt for Christopher.

"Gentlemen:

I am favoured with yours of the 20th March & observe The Contents.

The 1st May last, I entered into partnership with Thomas Greg of Belfast. Our Firm you have below. We beg leave to make you a tender of service here & to assure you your Commands at all times shall be paid a due regard to. We have a Certain Account this Morning that Warr is proclaimed. We shall have great opportunitys here to speculate in Prize Goods. The Crops of Grain & Flaxseed will be a very [sic] large. G&C
per Capt. Hysham" - from the "Letterbook of Gregg & Cunningham, 1756-57" by Thomas Truxes

"We shall send bills if we have no Orders from you to the Contrary before, but we believe Prize goods might Answer better.
G&C

Exchange to London, 85 per Cent
Course Salt Rose this Morning from 3s to 5s per Bushell
Gun Powder, from L9 to L14 per Hundredweight
Lead, from 40s to 50s per Hundredweight
& all Warlike stores in proportion but little Alteration in the price of dry Goods.
Via Philadelphia
& by Capt. Hysham" - from "Letterbook of Greg & Cunningham, 1756-57" by Thomas M. Truxes

". . . received all your goods by the Greg safe &, agreeable to your orders, shall remit as fast as in our power their proceeds to Messrs. David Kerr & Co. of London. Linnins of the sort you sent are at present dull Sale. You may depend we shall leave nothing undone to push them off.

Your Brother set off the 12th Instant for Philadelphia. We have given him the best advice we can & Letters to every Person we think can serve him. We have no hopes to recover your money from General Shirley & have told your Brother so that he may try what he can do where he goes. G&C

The Crop of Flaxseed promises well.

per Capt. Hysham" - from the "Letterbook of Gregg & Cunningham, 1756-57" by Thomas Truxes

"As we shall have a Number of Privateers out of this port, we have a prospect of having Prize Goods on very reasonable Terms. G&C
per Capt. Hysham"
- from "Letterbook of Greg & Cunningham, 1756-1757: Merchants of New York and Belfast" by my friend, Thomas M. Truxes

Beginning in 1756 William ran into a long series of misfortunes that led to his moving to Philadelphia. First, he lost the CHARMING SALLY in a wreck off the coast of Florida. From the "New York Mercury" of 2 August 1756:

"Captain Heysham, in the Brig CHARMING SALLY, of this Port [New York City], was cast away on the 17th of June last, on the Martiers [Los Martires, or the Martyrs, now known as the Florida Keys], in his Passage from the bay of Honduras for Europe; Vessel and Cargo are lost, but the Crew arrived safe at Savannah, in Georgia, in their Long-Boat; and Captain Heysham came to Town last Saturday Night from Rhode-Island."

17 August 1756. "Your Brother the Other day had the misfortune to Loose his Vessel Loaden with Logwood on the Coast of Florida. He & his People came here [Charleston, South Carolina] in the boat and we prevail'd on the Capt. of a Guinea Man tho with great difficulty to Carry them to Rhode Island for which they have Sail'd upwards of a month." - from the "Papers of Henry Lauren"

Soon after returning to New York City William was a juror in the case of one John Williams, who died in February 1757.

"Att an inquest taken at the house of Jasper Drake in Montgomerie Ward in the City of New York on Saturday the 12th of February 1757 on John Williams.

Present/John Burnet Coroner

The following jurors were sworn vizt

John Robinson John Burger Bartho: Barwell Simon Breestead Thomas Shreave Thomas Pettit Francis Bassett Dennis Hicks Wm Heysham John Elsworth Ephraim Brasher Francis Many Dennis Wortman

The jurors upon their oaths do say that the said John Williams on the eleventh day of this present month of February between the hours of nine and . . ." - from "Minutes of Coroners proceedings, City and County of New York," page 62, the personal records of John Burnet, Coroner of New York, 1748-1758

William then had another ship, the JEVON.

4 May 1757. "Vessels cleared: . . . snows Jevon Wm Heysham master, " - from the "Calendar of [New York Colonial] Council Minutes 1668-1783" prepared by Berthold Fernow

"Jevon of New York, Hysham, at Stromness 25 July 1757 on way from Hamburg to New York;" - from "American Data from the Aberdeen Journal, 1748-1783" by David Dobson

William immediately went on another trip transporting Germans from Hamburg.

"Orkneys
Javen, Heysham Hamburg [arrived from]" - from Lloyd's List, 9 August 1757

Unfortunately William lost the JEVON too when he was attacked and his ship taken by a French privateer.

February 1758. "The Jevan [sic], Heysham, from New York, for London, by a Privateer of 20 Guns of Granville." - from "Miscellaneous Correspondence" Volume 2

"The Jevan, Heysham, from New York for London, is taken by a Privateer of 20 Guns, belonging to Granville; the Master is carried into St. Maloes." - from Lloyd's List, 31 January 1758

See also,

"From Moses Franks, London, Feb. 28, 1758

Since my last respects I am without any of your favours, which I attribute to Hysham being taken and the Irene not arriving, hope you are no Sufferer by these Accidents."

- from "The Beekman Mercantile Papers, 1746-1799" by Gerard G. Beekman, James Beekman

Unlike a grounding, being taken by a privateer of superior force was in many ways outside a captain's control, but the ship's owners would still have groused: if the captain hadn't taken that route he would never have run into the privateer; if he had "cracked on" as soon as he spotted the unknown sail, he would never have been over taken; if he had pushed the ship and crew harder, he would never have been caught.

The JEVON was taken by a French privateer.

"List of Ships taken by the French, continued from p. 43

. . .
Jevan, Heysham, from New-York, for London." - from "The London Magazine" of July, 1759 by Isaac Kimber

"On Thursday returned from a Cruize in the Gulph [gulf] of St. Lawrence, the Privateer Brig COLUMBINE, Capt'. Lance, of this Port, and brought in with her a French Snow, called the MARGARETTA, which she cut out of a Harbour in the Streights [sic] of Belle Isle the 10th of October last; she is loaded with Fish and Oil; and was intended for Old France. She was formerly called the JEVON, commanded by Capt. Haysham, of this Place; and was taken last Winter on her Passage hence to London."

Capt. William Heysham was next mentioned as the master of the "snow Speedwell" in 1759. - from "The New York Privateers, 1756-1763" by Stuyvesant Fish. See also,

"Aside from his partnership in the Hayfield, Bryan joined Conyngham, Nesbitt, and Philadelphia merchant John McCullough in November 1759 in the purchase of the fifty-five-ton brigantine, Hannah, which cleared for Dublin in December 1759. Bryan, in fact, dramatically expanded his involvement in shipping that year. He purchased on his own the Patty, a fifty-ton snow. He also joined a Captain Lake and New York merchant George Folliot, a business associate, in buying the ninety-five-ton ship Speedwell and acquired, with Folliot the fifty-ton ship John and William and the fifty-ton snow Charming Sally." - from "In Pursuit of Equal Liberty: George Bryan and the Revolution in Pennsylvania" by Joseph S. Foster

I don't know if the loss of CHARMING SALLY and JEVON made William more reckless, or simply that smuggling was so ingrained a habit, but William and his employers were accused of trading with the enemy.

22 September 1759. "James de Peyster, George Folliot owners and Wm Heysham master of the snow Speedwell to be arrested on affidavits of John Chambers and Simon Clarke." - from the "Calendar of [New York Colonial] Council Minutes 1668-1783" prepared by Berthold Fernow

"In September, 1759, Lieutenant Governor de Lancey of New York issued a proclamation for the arrest of one William Heysham, master of the ship SPEEDWELL, charging him with high treason in giving aid and comfort to the enemy by boldly sailing into the French port of Cap Francois [Saint Domingue, now Cap Haitien on Haiti's northern coast] with a load of provisions. The fact was that the enemy trade was big business; the participants were usually men of wealth and influence in public affairs, often acting in concert, and could count upon a body of seamen to do their bidding." - from "The Coming of the Revolution, 1763-1775" by Lawrence Henry Gipson, New York 1954, pg 32

"By the Honourable JAMES DE LANCEY, Esq. His Majesty's Lieutenant-Governor and Commander in Chief, in and over the Province of New-York, and the Territories depending thereon in America.

A PROCLAMATION

Whereas Information hath been given unto me, upon Oath, That William Heysham, Master of the Snow Speedwell, of the Port of New-York, hath been guilty of High-Treason, in adhering to His Majesty's Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort by carrying and landing at Cape Francois, a Place on the Island of Hispaniola, in the Possession of, and inhabited by the Subjects of the French King, now at War with His Majesty; several Tierces of Gammons [sides of pork]; One Hundred Barrels of Flour; and other Provisions; and delivering the same to his Majesty's Enemies, Subjects of the said French King.

Whereupon I issued my Warrant to the High-Sheriff of the City and County of New-York, for apprehending the said William Heysham. And whereas I have been informed that the said William Heysham hath, and still doth abscond; I have therefore thought fit, with the Advice of his Majesty's Council, to issue this Proclamation, hereby, in His Majesty's Name, strictly requiring, charging and commanding, all Magistrates, Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Constables, and other Civil Officers, within this Province, to make and cause diligent search and enquiry to be made throughout their respective Jurisdictions and Districts, for the said William Heysham, and being found, him to apprehend, and cause to be committed to the Goal [gaol, jail] of the City or County where he shall be so apprehended, there to be kept until he shall thence be delivered by due Course of Law. And hereof, they are not to fail at their Peril.

GIVEN under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at Fort-George, in the City of New-York, the Twenty Second Day of September, 1759, in the Thirty Third Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Second by the Grace of God, of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, KING, Defender of the Faith, and so forth. James De Lancey.

By His Honour's Command,
Gw. Banyar, Dpy. Sec.
God Save the King."

Source: [Weyman's] New York Gazette, 24 September 1759.

Supplementary Information. 2 September 1759: James De Peyster [Depeyster] & George Folliot, owners, and William Heysham, master, of the snow Speedwell to be arrested (see N.Y. col. mss., 87:125) on affidavits of John Chambers and Simon Clarke.

Source: New York (Colony) Council, Calendar of Council Minutes, 1668-1783. Edited by Berthold Fernow (Harrison, New York, 1987), p. 446.

"I do not know whether my Proclamation to apprehend Heysham, or the Warrant to take up De Peyster and Folliot, hath put a stop to the illicit exportation of Provisions." From a letter from James DeLancey, New York, to General Jeffrey Amherst, of 22 October 1759 (PRO, W.O. [War Office] 34/29 f. 237)

"My Proclamation against Heysham, I believe, gave some Check to the Exportation of Provisions; but De Peyster and Folliott have connections, the former with two of the Judges, and the Latter in the Custom house." Therefore he does not think that they will be made examples of; they have prevailed upon the witnesses to absent themselves; and he fears that this trade will continue." From a letter from James DeLancey, New York, to General Jeffrey Amherst, of 5 November 1759, referenced in "British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765" by George Louis Bee, 1922.

William's employers escaped these serious charges through their wealth and connections with important men in the government. I wonder what affect this series of misfortunes had on William's eventual adherence to the revolutionary cause? The illicit trade with the French appears to have been widespread. In those cases where the government does not effectively enforce its own laws, those that follow them may look and feel foolish as their competitors reap quick profits. William may have dealt with the French because "everyone else did so" or he may have felt pressured by his employers, especially after his recent reverses. When William was charged, likely "fingered" by one of his trading rivals, and suffered loss of employment while his employers got off free, did he become embittered against an "establishment" which favored the mighty? This proclamation for his arrest would hang over William's head for years to come and make it easier for him to slide into the rebel ranks.

William was not alone. A corps of paid informers was recruited to identify the illicit trade with the West Indies. In the fall of 1759 George Spencer, one of those informers, advised Lieutenant Governor De Lancey of the names of sixteen merchant-captains who were said to trade with the French. Implicated were Waddel Cunningham, Jacob Walton, George Harison, William Kennedy, Thomas Livingston, Abraham Lott, John Fox, Thomas White, William Paulding, Jacob Wendel, Samuel Van Horne, Jacobus Van Zandt, William Moore and others. - from "Constituting Empire: New York and the Transformation of Constitutionalism in the Atlantic world" by Daniel Jospeh Hulsebosch. Spencer then wrote a letter to General Amherst listing 46 New York vessels that had taken provisions to "Monte Cristi" and other foreign ports - from "British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765" by George Louis Beer. Monte Cristi was a port on the north shore of Hispaniola [Santo Domingo]. In a letter to William Pitt, then Secretary of State for England, Governor Cadwallader Colden called Spencer an "insolvent debtor" and said there was not enough information to move against the merchants. In the meantime the town turned against Spencer and he was arrested on the pretext of debt. He was paraded around town on the way to jail and in the resulting riot, egged on by paid rabble-rousers hired by his victims, Spencer was assaulted and then drug behind a cart, showered with filth and offal - from "The Case for Liberty" by Helen Day Hill Miller.

6 November 1759. "Waddel Cunningham, Wm Kelly, Thos. Linck and Phil. Branson to be arrested for rioting and assaulting George Spencer." - from "Calendar of Council Minutes 1668-1783"

Thomas Truxes will publish a new book, "Little Short of Treason: Trading with the Enemy in Colonical New York" that deals with this subject. The planned release date is the fall of 2008.

William Heysham put some distance between himself and the New York authorities, then got some legal representation. Andrew Allen, a well-connected young attorney in Philadelphia, filed a brief on William's behalf. These two men would, in later years, move together as members of the radical committees whose actions led to the Revolution.

"Andrews father [William Allen] was extremely influential in provincial affairs and was appointed Chief Justice of Pennsylvania in 1750 after having served a term as a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, Mayor of Philadelphia, and as Recorder of Pennsylvania. Allen was a Presbyterian and opposed the Quakers in the Assembly because of their pacifist views during King George's War. As the breach between the Quaker Party and the proprietary widened, the Chief Justice became the leading spokesman of the Presbyterian or Proprietary Party, although he opposed all infringement upon colonial rights by Great Britain. His son Andrew was a Whig and an upholder of American rights even while a law student. In a brief he denied the right of the Admiralty Court to try William Heysham, master of the ship Speedwell, for high treason after Heysham had sailed into the French port of Cape Francois with a cargo of provisions. Heysham was entitled to a jury trial and Allen claimed that the Court of Admiralty cannot with Propriety oblige any persons to answer Interrogatories "which may have a Tendency to criminate themselves or subject them to a Penalty."

Andrew Allen returned from his studies in England and was admitted to practice before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on April 20, 1765. He set up his office in Philadelphia. . . ."

- from "Whig-loyalism: An Aspect of Political Ideology in the American Revolutionary Era" by William Allen Benton

Another reference of a later date shows Andrew Allen's continuing interest in the protection from self-incrimination.

". . . in 1770 there was a move by the Customs Office in Philadelphia to question under oath every officer and seaman of a vessel that was supposed to have engaged in the smuggling of tea. But Attorney-General Andrew Allen informed the collector of the port: "I am very clear in opinion that the Court of Admiralty cannot with propriety oblige any persons to answer interrogatories which may have a tendency to criminate themselves, or subject them to a penalty, it being contrary to any principle of Reason and the Laws of England." - from "Origins of the Fifth Amendment: The Right Against Self-incrimination" by Leonard Williams Levy

Below is a drawing of the Philadelphia city waterfront in 1768, 9 years after William arrived. The Delaware river is in the foreground, with ships lining up to come into the wharfs along Water street. At this time Philadelphia was the largest city in America, far more important than New York City.

I expect William spent the next 5 to 6 years establishing himself in the city. The first reference I've found to William Heysham in Philadelphia was in 1765.

William may have been helped in setting up his trade by men like George Bryan, a Philadelphia merchant and partner of George Folliot's. Bryan would be a leader in revolutionary Philadelphia and, as such, be thrown together frequently with William Heysham.

William was not one of the major merchants of Philadelphia. Ten merchants/firms controlled over 50 percent of trade. They included: Isaac Cox, Reese Meredith, Ritchie & Clymer, Thomas Willing, Conyngham and Nesbitt, Willing and Morris, Archibald McCall, Anthony Stocker, David Beveridge, and Samuel Massey. They all financed two to three voyages each year.

Below is a contemporary map of Philadelphia, with the Delaware river to the east and the Schuykill to the west. William's residence and business was on the Delaware river side of the city.

In July 1765 William became one of the original members of the Society for the Relief of Poor Distressed Masters of Ships, their Widows and Children." - from "Some Account of the Tree Family" by Josiah Granville Leach. In shorthand this was also called "The Sea Captains Club" or "Mariner's Club." The third paragraph of the citation below distinguishes William Heysham as a merchant, not an "active shipmaster." Since I don't have any references to ships commanded by William during his residence in Philadelphia, I'll have to assume he gave up the sea after his difficulties in New York.

"The Sea Captains Club

During the last thirty-five years of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth, the Society for the Relief of Poor and Distressed Masters of Ships their Widows and Children was, perhaps, Philadelphia's most selective organization. Membership was limited to persons residing in or near the city who were or had been commanders of ships in the merchant service. Seldom did they exceed two hundred in any given year.

. . .

The worthy idea--formation of a charitable club for the benefit and relief "of poor decay'd Masters of Ships, their Widows and Children"--sprang from benevolently minded Samuel Mifflin and Joseph Richardson, eminent merchants, who formerly had commanded vessels sailing from the port. This respectable pair--Mifflin, a militant gentleman who had raised an artillery company in the French and Indian War, and Richardson, a mild-mannered Quaker--enlisted others in the cause. During June, 1765, in a campaign for"a beginning Fund," they secured pledges, ranging from L5 to L10 10s., from eighty-six shipmasters or former shipmasters who had forsaken the sea to ply such varied occupations as ship chandlers, shopkeepers, importers and sailmakers.

. . .

Samuel Mifflin was unanimously chosen president "by holding up of the hands." . . . Four of the five managers who had failed to attend the two previous meetings--Henry Harrison, Henry Lisle, John Mease and Charles Stedman--were succeeded by Captain James Blair, Zachariah Hutchings, Joseph Stiles, and Captain Heysham. The first three were active shipmasters. Heysham, a merchant, was to enjoy unniterrupted service as manager for thirty years.

. . .

Eleven managers gathered at the Coffee House a week after the annual meeting and took action on delinquent accounts. According to the treasurer's report, sixteen subscriptions pledged the previous June were still unpaid. Lester Falkner and William Heysham were appointed to search out the delinquents, and they applied themselves with diligence. Only five did not pay up. Of these, William McFunn, who had once been an officer in the British navy, and Robert Ferguson, whose last command had been a sloop in the coastal trade, died before the two managers could get in touch with them. The other three--Oswald Eve, Thomas Hatton, and Gurney Wall--were removed from the roll.

. . .

The widow Corsar's case was a worthy one. Appreciating her dire need, the forty members present, while unanimously agreeing to pay no money for charity out of the club's funds until the next year, took up a collection for her support. The collection amounted to L6 14s., and William Heysham was directed to "see it properly apply'd." A year later a similar procedure was followed, charity payments were postponed until 1770, and a collection for widow Corsar produced L2 15s."

. . .

Hugh Bowes, Willm Heysham & Robt Whyte report, That they had visited Martha, the Widow of John Anderson, deceas'd, late one of our Members, who they think justly merits some speedy relief . . . An order was therefore drawn on the Treasurer for Five pounds payable to said Martha."

. . .

Laying aside financial worries, the Society joined in the great Federal procession of July 4, 1788, which heralded the ratification of the Constitution of the United States . . . Leading off was aged William Greenway, bearing a globe, and behind him, striding along abreast, came William Heysham and Rickloff Alberson, carrying spyglasses."

. . .

Other monies accumulated in the treasury were, by advice of counsel, to be invested in the "Six pr Cent Funds of the United States." Treasurer Stiles reported in January, 1792, that "owing to a Rapid rise in the Six pr Cent publick stock he had not been able to procure them." Charles Biddle, William Allibone, and William Heysham were called to his assistance. They recommended that Bank of North America stocks be purchased if public securities were unavailable."

. . .

Then, there was young Ephraim Warner, whose father Elisha had died in the spring of 1790, and whose appeal for help was so poignant that a committee (Charles Biddle, William Heysham, and Leeson Simmons) hastened "to Obtain Justice for the said petitioner."

- from "The Sea Captains Club" by William Bell Clark in "The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography."

An early patriot, William signed the "Code of Honor" or Non-Importation Resolution of 25 October 1765 of Philadelphia in which the signers agreed not to import any British wares, a demonstration that helped lead to independence. - from "Philadelphia History, 1609-1884," Volume I, of 1884.

The Non-Inportation Resolutions, 25 October 1765. "As it may be necessary that a committee of the subscribers be appointed to wait on the traders of this city, to get this present agreement universally subscribed, the following gentlemen are appointed for this purpose: Thomas William and Samuel Mifflin, esq's, Thomas Montgomery Samuel Hewell, Samuel Wharton, . . . etc. Signed: . . . William Heysham . . . " - from "Incidents in the Life of Jacob Barker, of New Orleans, Louisiana: with historical facts, his..." by Jacob Barker.

Per Michelle Craig's paper, above, "A comparison of signatures on the 1765 document [the Non-Importation Resolution] with available tax lists for 1762 and 1770 reveal that merchants almost unanimously supported the measure . . . It was the last time a consensus was so easily reached." As events accelerated, moderates & Quakers became increasingly alarmed at the words and actions of the radicals, who in the 1770's began to call for independence.

By 1768 William had settled on Water Street. The Pennsylvania Gazette of 11 February 1768 carried a notice for the sale of some land in New Jersey in which Captain William Heysham of Water Street was mentioned as a point of contact, or perhaps as an agent for the seller, John Forrest.

"THE subscriber intending to remove to New York, in May next, proposes to sell on reasonable terms, two fine lots of LAND, advantageously situate for a gentleman, a merchant, or a tradesman, in the pleasant town of PRINCETOWN, the dimensions of each of the said lots being about 55 feet in front, and 200 long, with the houses and improvements on one of them, which lies on the corner of the Hopewell road, directly opposite to the College, and are as follows, viz. A large house, two stories and an half high, four rooms on a floor, with a fire place in each, all neatly and completely finished, with a cellar under the whole house; a stable and gardens, a small yard between the garden and the house, neatly paved with brick, with a well of excellent water within four feet of the kitchen. The other lot adjoins to Mr. Taylor, is almost opposite to the college, and the best in the town for any gentleman inclining to build. --- Whoever inclines to purchase, may apply to Mr. JOHN RAMSEY, merchant, in New York, near the Fly market, Captain William Heysham, in Water street, Philadelphia, or to the subscriber in Princetown, and agree upon terms. It will be required that one quarter of the purchase money be paid down, and good security given for the remainder for which any reasonable time of payment will be allowed. JOHN FORREST."

"Behind these wharfs, and parallel to the river, runs Water-Street. This is the first street which you usually enter after landing, and it does not serve to give a stranger a very favourable opinion either of the neatness or commodiousness of the public ways of Philadelphia. It is no more than thirty feet wide, and immediately behind the houses, which stand on the side farthest from the water, a high bank, supposed to be the old bank of the river, rises, which renders the air very confined. Added to this, such stenches at times prevail in it, owing in part to the quantity of filth and dirt that is suffered to remain on the pavement, and in part to what is deposited in waste houses, of which there are several in the street, that it is really dreadful to pass through it. It was here that the malignant yellow fever broke out in the year 1793, that made such terrible ravages, and in the summer season, in general, the street is found extremely unhealthy. That the inhabitants, after suffering so much from the sickness that originated in it, should remain thus inattentive to the cleanliness of Water Street is truly surprising; more especially so, when it is considered, that the streets in the other part of the town are as much distinguished for the neatness that prevails throughout them, as this one is for its dirty condition." -- from Isaac Weld, Travels Through the States of North America...During the Years 1795, 1796 and 1797, p.3-4.

The Wharf at Arch Street, along Water Street

William was made part of the grand jury for a number of cases brought before "William Allen, John Lawrence and Thomas Willing, Esquires, Justices of our Lord the King of his Supreme Court of the Province of Pennsylvania."

"Grand Jury Retble [sic?] to the Court of Oyer and Terminer Sept 26 1768
13. William Heysham . . . " - from Pennsylvania, Oyer and Terminer Court Papers, 1757-1787

From a list of the Proprietary Tax for 1769, county of Philadelphia, of the Upper Delaware Ward, we have William Hysham, with zero acres of land, 1 horse, no cattle, 2 servants, and a Tax of 6.3.4. I've finally seen the original document and it mentions, "1 Servant, 1 Negro, 1 Horse," so William was a slave-holder. At this early date only the more radical Quakers were beginning to question slavery. This document also describes the district as Southwark, which is just south of the original settlement of Phiadelphia. I think it also indicates that William had 15-acres of land. That is, there is a number 15 in front of his name, whereas others on the same page have 2, 10, 45, 150, 230 etc. I can't find a legend.

On 10 November 1770 a petition was presented to the Governor of Pennsylvania and the Council respecting the importance of a new road from Philadelphia to Lancaster. Signers included John Wharton, George Clymer, John Cadwalader, Samuel Morris, Thomas Mifflin, William Heysham, Clement Biddle, Andrew Caldwell, John Bayard, Tench Tilghman, Robert Morris, Samuel Howell, and Samuel Mifflin. These were the most important, and richest, men of the city.

It is not clear what new road this petition referred to, however on the same day a petition from the residents of Lancaster county was delivered to the Governor and Council stating,

"That the Great Road . . . is by constant use of it with heavy Loaded Carriages, and by it being laid in many place over very bad ground, now rendered almost impassable . . . That notwithstanding the great Labour, Care and Expence used in repairing the said Road, it is Constantly in bad Order . . . That another Road upon better ground, and nearer by some Miles, may be had . . ."

In 1771 a lottery was proposed.

"Advertisement

For the Satisfaction of the Adventurers in Pettie's Island, Land and Cash, Lottery, the Subscriber with Pleasure informs them, That the Numbers being rolled up ready for the Wheels, and not more than Three Hundred Tickets remaining, the Drawing will punctually begin on Monday, the 9th Day of September next, under the inspection of William Heysham, John Chevalier, Abraham Beeckley, and Thomas Bond, Jun. in whole Veracity, I doubt not, the Publick will confide for the faithful Discharge of the Trust reposed in them, by
Their obligated Friend,
William Masters." - from Philaspace.org

"Pettie's Island, Land and Cash, Lottery. . . The Drawing shall begin on Monday, the Twenty-first Day of October, 1771, under the Inspection of William Heysham, John Chevalier, Abraham Beeckley, and Thomas Bond, Jun. . . . [signed] William Masters." - from "A Century of Printing" by Charles Swith, Riche Hildeburn and Ethel Myra Metzer

On 11 July 1771 William Heysham paid 600 pounds to John Lawrence, Esquire, and his wife, Elizabeth, for a brick house and lot on the north side of Mulberry street, in Philadelphia. The lot was 20 feet wide and 291 feet deep, bounded on the south by Mulberry street, on the north by Cherry street, on the east by the lot of Benjamin Lackey and on the west by the lot of John Gold.

On 12 August 1771 William Heysham paid 180 pounds 18 shillings to Richard Wells and his wife, Rachel, for a house and lot on the north side of Mulberry street. The lot's boundaries were the same as those above, so I assume the two families had a joint ownership, of which the Lawrences held the greater part.

Was 780 pounds a lot to pay? How nice a property must this have been?

The following describes William's neighbors.

"By Virtue of a Writ to me directed, will be exposed to Sale, on Tuesday, the 28th of September inst. precisely at six o'Clock in the Evening, at the London Coffee house, A certain Brick Messuage and Lot of Ground, situate on the South Side of Cherry street, between Third and Fourth streets, in the City of Philadelphia, containing in Breadth 20 Feet, and in Depth 82 Feet; bounded by Cherry street aforesaid, and by Ground of Benjamin Loxley, William Heysham, William Dickinson, and others; late the Estate of Christian Creamer; seized and taken in Execution by Judah Foulke, Sheriff." - from "The Pennsylvania Gazette of 15 September 1773"

A later description of the houses on Arch street.

"Alexander Wilcocks, then Recorder of the city, afterward lived and died in Arch street, in the second houe above the Second Presbyterian Church, formerly at the corner of Third street. This house stood as late as 1856, as also did the old house next above it in which Dr. Dunlap lived, a celebrated accoucheur [male midwife]. Matthew Clarkson, one of the city mayors, also lived next door or next but one, and next to him Captain Heysham. Next was Kearsley's Episcopal Hospital for Old Women, afterward removed to the rear of the lot, on Cherry street. Then came Mr. Sergeant's house, opposite whose door stood a very large buttonwood tree, and under it a celebrated pump. Next was a red frame shop of David Evans, a coffin- and blind-maker--a funny eccentric fat man--at the east corner of Loxley's court, Loxley himself living at the west corner of it." - from "Annals of Philadelphia" by John FAnning Watson

On 1 October 1771 Capt. William Heysham, of Mulberry St, N side, between 3rd & 4th, had a survey done of his property for an insurance policy. Included was a precise description of the rooms of a three story house and back buildings, including a piazzo, and separate kitchen. A piazzo was a broad porch typical of the era. The total value of the "messuage and appurtenances" was placed at 500 pounds. - from The Contributionship Companies. The latter was the fire insurance firm founded by Benjamin Franklin in 1752.

Survey

A House and Back Buildings belonging to Capt. William Heysham situate on the North side of Mulberry Street between third & fourth streets.
20 feet front - 33 feet 6 inches deep Three story high . . . Two rooms on a floor . . . Piazzo 10 feet by 7 feet 6 inches Two story high . . . Kitchen 13 feet by 21 feet Two story high

William resided on the north side of Mulberry street, between Third and Fourth streets in Philadelphia (source: Lock Have library, PA. - the Compendium of American Genealogy, vol. Iv). Mulberry Street was called Arch Street early on; the reason-- that Front Street formed an arch or bridge when it passed over Mulberry Street, with the latter going down to the riverside to form a public landing-- this ceased to be true in the 1720s. The name nevertheless stuck, long after most people had forgotten the arch itself.

The view to the left is Arch Street between 3rd and 4th street as depicted by William Birch in one of his series of engravings of Philadelphia street scenes in 1798-1800, the period when William Heysham lived there. The view is looking east; the cross street in the middle ground is 4th Street, with the Second Presbyterian Church on the north side of Arch at the corner with 3rd street. William lived on the north side, three houses down from the church. Across the street, on the south side of Arch street, a low brick wall can be seen which surronded the Quaker burial ground. According to the 1785 MacPherson directory [Taken from George Canby's copy of the 1785 MacPherson directory.] William Heysham lived in Philadelphia midway between 3rd & 4th north side of Arch at number 324. The latter number does not appear to correspond with the current street numbers. William was variously styled Heysham or Hysham, and called Captain for his previous sea service.

Note that in 1764 Samuel Griscom, the father of Betsy Ross, built his 3-story home on "a lot on on the north side of Arch Street between Third and Fourth Streets, just west of the Second Presbyterian Church and across from the Quaker burying ground." - from "Betsy Ross" by Marla R. Miller. Samuel sold this house to Matthew Clarkson, William Heysham's next door neighbor, in 1789 for L1,550. Today's Betsy Ross house is a block east, at 239 Arch street, though whether Betsy ever lived there is a question of debate. In the tax list of 1774 William Heysham and Samuel Griscom are listed one after the other. They were, in fact, next door neighbors. William's tax for 32.14.7, while Samuel's was 11.10.0. See more on this issue, below, with the data I recently found at "Mapping West Philadelphia in 1777."

I had thought that the four-story brick townhouse in the photo below, located at 323 Arch Street, was the location of William's house. To the right of it is Loxley Court, which can just be seen, an iron gate on an old alley leading to a courtyard, and 321 Arch Street, which looks more like a period building. Continuing to the right are the Arch Condominiums at 315 Arch. To the left of 323 is Girard Fountain park, about the size of one home. There is a large bust of Benjamin Franklin by James Peniston on the wall fronting the park, his jacket and waistcoat covered in a key design. From there, to the corner of 4th street, is a modern building housing the 2nd Ladder, Engine 8 of the Philadelphia Fire Department. From the latest information it appears that William's house was closer to today's 309 Arch street, which is just off the right side of the photo.

On the opposite side of the street is the Quaker Meeting House. This large complex of builings and park, however, was not erected until 1803, after William's death. In William's day this was an open area surronded by a low brick wall, the Quaker burial ground. While this may sound grisly, it gave William a park-like view from his front door that few in town possessed.

A variety of people lived in the area including shopkeepers, goldsmiths, cabinent makers, merchants, ship's captains, lawyers, and the Speaker of the General Assembley. Note that the Keppele's lived on Arch street - Henry Keppele Jr. was on the Committee of Inspection and Observation with William. See also the Keppele will witnessed by Robert Heysham, below.

William was a member of the City Committee of Correspondence, perhaps as early as 1773. Committees of this sort were first proposed by Virginia in March 1773 and tasked with contacting the legislatures of each colony so that they could join Virginia and offer concerted opposition toward British encroachments.

December 1773. "It is not easy to describe the anxiety and suspense of the city in this interval; sundry reports of her arrival [the tea-ship] were received, which were premature, but on Saturday evening last an express came up from Chester to inform the town that the tea-ship, commanded by Capt Ayres, with her detested cargo, was arrived there, having followed another ship up the river so far . . . About 2 o'clock she appeared in sight of Gloucester Point, where a number of the inhabitants from the town had assembled, with the gentlemen from the committee, and as she passed along she was hailed, and the captain requested not to proceed further, but to come on shore. This the captain complied with, and was handed thro' a lane made by the people to the gentlement appointed to confer with him. They represented to him the general sentiment . . . the following resolutions were . . . agreed to . . .
Resolved 1st. That the tea on board the ship Polly, Capt. Ayres, shall not be landed.
2d. That Capt Ayres shall neither enter nor report his vessel at the Custom House.
3d. That Capt Ayres shall carry back the tea immediately.
. . .
7th. That Capt Heysham, Capt R. White, Mr. Benjamin Loxley and Mr. A. Donaldson be a committee to see these resolutions carried into execution.
. . ." - from a Philadelphia news paper of 27 December 1773.

William Heysham was a witness to the Will of Rebecca Crapp of Philadelphia, which was signed on 21 July 1774. She was a single woman. Her heirs were her Nieces: Susanna Chatham, Mary, Rebecca and Sarah Paschall, Hannah Clayton, Sarah Tilotson, Susanna Knight, Hannah Stowe, Susanna Bonham (wife of Ephriam); Nephews: Edward and James Chatham, Jos. Earle, Blathwait Jones and Wm. Tilotson. Exec.: Kinsman Ephriam Bonham, tallow chandler. Wit: Wm. Heysham, Thos. Mason and Peter Thomson [a conveyancer/lawyer]. Proved: July 21, 1774. Q.26.

William Heysham's name was crossed out of the following list.

"Oyer and Terminer the 24th September 1774
Grand Jury
. . .
Traverse-Jury
1. William Heysham . . ." - from "Pennsylvania, Oyer and Terminer Court Papers, 1757-1787"

In November 1774 a survey was taken of 300 acres of land in "On Main Lehiwaxen R. 15 Mi. W. Delaware" in Northampton county in William Heysham's name. On 21 July 1776 315 acres was "returned" to "William Coxe, et al," the patentees. See Northampton. The plat map is at C78 169.

I have not been able to identify Lehiwaxen creek other than that it was mentioned in one book in company with large rivers like the Delaware, Lehigh, Schuylkill, and Susquehanna, and Juniata and Penn's creek. I suspect this was Lackawaxen creek. William had property surveyed there again in 1793, see below. Lackawaxen creek is a tributory of the Delaware, above Port Jervis.

Note that the counties shown on the map to the left are modern creations; Northampton county encompassed this area in 1774.

There are a number of other references to surveys of land in William's name, and that of his son, Robert. Most men of the period who had the means speculated in land. There was much of it to be had and a great deal of money could be made. George Washington famously speculated in an attempt to clear his properties of debt.

The following I had thought referred to William Heysham [Hissom] of Northampton county, a farmer, but now I think this refers instead to a land deal involving William Heysham of Philadelphia. It appears that the names of thirteen citizens, probably all of Philadelphia, were used as a smokescreen to obtain 13 300-acre warrants to land in Northampton county. There is no indication in the documents below that the land surveyed in William's name was ever taken up by him, though I suspect he received a portion of the profit.

"Heysham, William, 300 acres, surveyed Nov. 4, 1774." - from: "Land Warrants for Northampton Co., Pa. 1752 - 1886"

From an article in The Pennsylvania Gazette, item #56656, dated 7 December 1774:

"Moved and agreed, That a Committee of Inspection and Observation be appointed to attend the execution of the first resolve of the Congress; and that this Committee (the President and Secretaries excepted) be divided, for that business, into six particular districts - the divisions as follow, viz. . . . Whereupon the following Gentlemen were appointed to serve upon this Committee.
For the Second Division. John Wilcocks, John Cox, Henry Keppele, jun., Jacob Winey, William Heysham, Francis Haffenclever, Isaac Melchior, Samuel Maffey, James Irvine, Robert Towers . . ."

There were several embargo's of British goods from 1765 to 1775 and the Committee of Observation and Inspection was a significant force during each. On the eve of a new embargo merchants would appear before the committee's members to declare their current stock to ensure they could sell it later. Once the embargo began importers would have to present their incoming ships to the committee's inspection for approval. There are several references, below, to William's examinations of ships' cargoes.

From the the Provincial Tax of 1774: William Heysham, Acres-0, Horses-1, Cattle-0, Servants-1, Tax-32.14.7.

Sometime after May 1773, but before January 1775, William became a member of The Society Of The Sons Of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. This was a radical organization similar to the Sons of Liberty in New York.

Tammany King Tammany [Tamanend], a Delaware Indian chief friendly to William Penn, was a popular figure in the folklore of early Pennsylvania. By the time of the Stamp Act crisis images of American Indians, often as Tammany, were being used widely as a symbol of resistance to British authority. By the 1770s, members of the Sons of Liberty (a secret revolutionary society organized in the 1760s) adopted Chief or "King" Tammany as their patron saint to validate their emerging identity as Americans and, in Philadelphia, adopted his name for their group. By 1773, the Tammany society in Philadelphia had grown disenchanted with King George III, so they held a mock "canonization" of King Tammany in order to change their name to the Sons of St. Tammany. Members of the Tammany society often wore buckskins in imitation of their 'Saint' and became known to their detractors as 'Buckskins.' The motto of the society, supposedly taken from Tamanend's own words, was "This is my right, I will defend it." Colonel William Bradford, in a letter dated Philadelphia, 15 February 1766, to the Sons of Liberty of New York, said, "Our body in this city is not declared numerous, as unfortunate dissentions in Provincial politics keep us rather a divided people. But when the Grand cause calls on us, you may be assured we shall universally stand forth and appear what we really are Sons of Liberty in Philadelphia." See also "The Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia", by Francis Von A. Cabeen, first published in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1901, and An American Synthesis, The Sons of St. Tammany or Columbian Order. Tammany Hall, the infamous political machine in New York, had its origins in a Tammany society in that city, but its original purpose as a fraternity of patriots was forgotten.

William was mentioned in the following anti-revolutionary poem published in the "Temple of Liberty" on 7 January 1775. It is called "The Address of Liberty, to the Buckskins [Sons of St Tammany] of Pennsylvania, on hearing of the intended Provincial Congress,

Fair Liberty, dear Goddess Bright
Wishing to set the Pennites right
Thus from her Throne, in candid Strains,
Addressed her Pennsylvan Swain.
Can public Virtue by me stand,
See Faction stalking through the Land ?
Faction that Fiend, begat in Hell
In Boston nurs'd'here brought to dwell
By Congress, who, in airy Freak,
Conven'd to plan a Republic?
Will Helmsmen let the Ship of State,
Meet with so dire, shipwreck'd a Fate?
Can Judges, fam'd for Probity
Sit tame Spectators by, and see
The Laws oppugn'd by Committee
Who Laugh at Courts, and Loyalty?
Can peaceful Quakers, honest Church,
See Congress leave them in the Lurch,
And o'er their Heads such Vermin perch!
Stop Independents! Stop, I say !
You mean to fight to run away;
The British Thunder you defy,
And right of Parliament deny;.
Revile the kind Peace making Gage,*
"Who with great Prudence would assuage
The fires lit up by Huk's Rage,**
Which unto civil Wars must tend,
Unless the Olive Branch we send
To gen'rous Britain your best Friend.
Stop, Independents, stop, I say!
Attend to my instructive Lay!
Hysham must swing on yonder Tree***
Dear Friends, an Englishman you'll see,
Traytor to his King and Country!
With Rope adorn'd on gallows high,
He'll kick in Air, in Company
With the Pennsylvan Farmer John,****
And Charley Tu, a Rebel Son,*****
For Crime by Statute called Treason,
Which they committed without Reason
Well read in Law John seem'd Oh, Shame!
Not so was it with poor Hysham!
For ignorant, alas, was he,
Ignorant as e'er Man could be!
(Ignorance, know ye, in Law's no Plea)
But Farmer John inveigled him,
And Charles united in the Scheme;
But Peace the Wight enjoyed_dying_
Both were by his side a crying,
When Rope about his Neck was fix't,--
He clearly saw they would be next
Tuck't up aloft on self-same Tree,
That he, alas, must hanged be!
View, Friends, this sad Catastrophe,
Three Rebels hanging on one Tree
Dead as Door Nails hung for Treason,
Which they committed out of Season,
Lives lost Estates confiscated
Their Fam'lies left discomfited,
A horrid Scene, a dismal ditty
Good lack-a-day--what a Pity!
Poor Hysham formly, we're told,
Sold goods to France for Sake of gold,
'Tis true he did, in Time of War,
Yet he escaped from Rope or Tar;
But he's o'ertak'n, Hemp has reach'd him
For old sin his weight has stretch'd him.
View, my Readers, this sad Picture!
Hang they will your Gen'ral Stricture.
Unnat'ral Deaths some Folks must dye,
Sic transit gloria mundi.
Ah, me! Deluded, hoodwink'd Cits,
Rouse from your Sleep, resume your Wits!
Honor the King, obey my Laws!
Don't forfeit Life and Lands for Straws!
Had those mad Bandits been discreet,
They ne'er had stretch'd in hempen Sheet.

"May 7. [1773]--Went to Falls of Schuykill and dined with James and Charles Biddle, Jacob Bates, Philip Kinsey, Captain Heysham, John Mease, R. Keen, Edward Milner, and others." - from "Extracts from the Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer: Of Philadelphia. 1765-1798" by Jacob Hiltzheimer, Jacob Cox Parsons

"October 4. [1785]--Remarkabley hard rain all night . . . Went to the State House, and was drawn on a jury: Matthew Clarkson, foreman; Messrs. Whitesides, Henry, Hysham, Harbison, Dean, Harrison, Cornman, Stocker, Bispham, Morgan, and myself."

"June 24. [1791]--With Captain Hysham went to burial of Dr. Jones, from Mr. Clark's on Market Street to Friends' ground. Governor Mifflin called at my house and over-persuaded me to accompany him and family to Cape Henlopen . . ."

"August 8. [1795]--Early this morning took a bath in the ocean. There dined with us Samuel Morris, governor of the Schuylkill Fishing Company, and his son and brother Israel, John Morrell, and A. Tybout. The following guests are at our house: Leaming and wife, Joshua Bond and wife, Peter Kuhn, wife and daughter, William Jones, Robert Hysham, Mr. Kerr, and Robeson."

"September 30.-- Mr. Barge and I took a ride up the canal as far as Mr. William's place; after we met Mr. [Robert] Hysham and B. Scull, and went to Robert Erwin's on Eighth Street, to drink punch with him, where we met a large number of gentlemen."

Fort Saint David Society The fishing company of Fort St. Davids was a gentleman's club established by a number of prominent and wealthy gentlemen of Philadelphia, called by themselves the 'Nobility of those days,' among whom were many Welshmen, who gave the Society the name of their patron saint, as well as Quakers. It was organized and governed in the manner of a garrison or fortification; it had its commander-in-chief, governor, captains, lieutenants, etc. The commander issued his orders, proclamations, &c., in regular military style. The members and invited guests went there for recreation and amusement, the fishing being excellent. The company continued in operation until the Revolutionary War, at which time it numbered among its members some of the best and most patriotic citizens of the day. When the British army took possession of Philadelphia the fish house was ransacked by a contingent of Hessians encamped in the neighborhood. John Dickinson was admitted as a member on 16 April 1768 and John Bayard was the society's Secretary. Edward Pole, the owner of the Wigwam tavern and the Tammany club secretary, has been noted as the first purveyor of fishing gear in the city. After the war what remained of the society reassembled and rebuilt their Fort. Some years later it caught fire and was destroyed. After that a portion of the members united with the "Philadelphia Fishing Company," also called the "State in Schuylkill," whose house was lower down the river. The State in Schuylkill was the oldest gentleman's club in America, being founded in 1732 by a group of amateur anglers. Similar to the Fort St. David's Society, they were facetially governed like a colony or state, with a governor and other similar titles, including even a coroner. Members of the era included William Bradford, Samuel Mifflin, Thomas Mifflin, John Dickinson, Robert Morris, and Tench Francis. It survived through the 19th century. From "Early History of the Falls of Schuylkill" by Charles V. Hagner, Philadelphia, 1869.

It is significant, I think, that William was mentioned so prominently in this anti-revolutionary poem. What had he done to picque the scorn of the poem's author? Clearly, William was not in the same league as Dickinson and Thomson, but well-known enough at the time to be portrayed as Dickinson's unwitting dupe. This might have to do with the fact that Dickinson sat in the First Continental Congress, in 1774, and Thomson had been its Secretary. William Heysham would later be a delegate to the Provisional Congress and was one of those tasked with enforcing the non-importation resolutions. I imagine the author singled out William because his business had suffered as a result of William's diligence. The line, "For ignorant, alas, was he, Ignorant as e'er Man could be!", displays a personal contempt that must have the loss of money at its root. Note below the trouble William had with Ludwig Kuhn when he was a Commissioner of the salt supply.

Note too that William was still dogged by stories of his smuggling in the West Indies during the French & Indian Wars.

A Provisional Convention, or Congress, for the Province of Pennsylvania was held at Philadelphia from 23 to 28 January 1775. Amongst those present for the city of Philadelphia were "the usual suspects":

John Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Thomson, John Cadwaldaer, John Cox, John Bayard, George Clymer, Joseph Reed, William Bradford, Samuel Massey, Owen Biddle, William Heysham, Francis Hassenclever, and Isaac Melcher. Samuel Miles attended for the county of Philadelphia. Caspar Weitzel represented Northumberland county. Joseph Reed was selected as President of the Convention.

"The Committee of Correspondence was still in authority at this time, but their power being questionable, they recommended, in November, that at the ensuing general election a new committee should be regularly chosen for the city, and one also for the county . . . The city, Northern Liberties and Southwark committee included John Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Thomson, John Cadwalader, Robert Morris, Samuel Howell, George Clymer, Joseph Reed, Samuel Meredith, John Nixon, John Cox, John Bayard, Charles Ludwig, George Schlosser, Lambert Cadwalader, Henry Keppele Jr., Jacob Winey, William Bradford, Owen Biddle, William Heysham, John Wilcocks, Sharp Delaney, Francis Hassenclever, Isaac Melchior, Isaac Coates, Samuel Massey . . ." From "History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884."

The following is from "Extracts from American Newspapers relating to New Jersey for the year 1775," edited by A. Van Doren Hon Eyman, 1923. It indicates that the surname Heysham was generally known enough to be used as an alias.

"Last week a certain Ann Harper was convicted at the Mayor's Court for stealing sundry goods, the property of different persons in this City, for which she was sentenced to be whipped publickly, on three different Market days. . . . It is said this Ann Harper is well-known in New York, and on Long Island, where she has gone under the different names of Clarke and Heysham, at different times; and it is supposed she will travel that way again, after she is released from our gaol, as she was taking a place in one of the stages for New-York, when she was apprehended." - from "Extract of a Letter from Philadelphia, dated 14 January 1775"

In a report he delivered to the Supreme Executive Committee in 1779, William Heysham said that he had been in New York City in March 1775 to get Joseph Greswold Sr., a distiller and Loyalist, to "render me an account which he had against Widow Heysham." This must be Catherine, the widow of William's elder brother, Thomas.

The news of the battles of Lexington and Concord reached Philadelphia on 27 April 1775 and feelings ran high, both amongst the patriots and those who thought them reckless. On 2 May the Military Associators, a militia, met and determined that each ward of the city should form one or more companies of soldiers.

William was a candidate in the 16 August 1775 election for Philadelphia's Second Committee of Observation and Inspection. This committee would replace the previous body of 66 members with and expanded board of 100; 76 for the City and 12 each for the Northern Liberties and Southwark. There were three slates: moderates, conservatives and mechanics. William was on the moderate slate, which included officers of the Associators, proprietary interests, and prominent merchants. The mechanics were, in contrast, thoroughly radical. No description of the August 16 election has survived, but the mechanics, which included small-scale craftsmen, manufacturers and retailers, were victorious, gaining the majority.

"TABLE F-II
THE MODERATE TICKET, AUGUST l6, 1775
1. Doctor Franklin 27. William Heysham
2. Thomas Mifflin 28. James Millegan
3. John Cadwallader 29. John Wilcox
4. Robert Morris 30. Sharp Delany
5. George Clymer 31. Francis Gurney
6. Joseph Reed 32. John Purviance
7. Samuel Meredith 33. Francis Hassenclever . . ."

As all-out rebellion blossomed, city leaders sought to ensure that Philadelphia was well supplied in case of blockade or siege. On 7 December 1775 William Heysham, Nathaniel Browne, and Isaac Coats provided a report on the Amount of Sea Coal in Philadelphia to the Committee of Safety.

Early in 1776 William was elected to the revolutionary Committee to rule Philadelphia during the "troubles."

COMMITTEE FOR THE CITY AND LIBERTIES OF PHILADELPHIA.

Philadelphia, February 16, 1776.

We, the subscribers, Judges and Inspectors of the General Election held on Friday, the 16th day of February, at the State-House, for the choice of a Committee for the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, to serve for six months ensuing, do certify that the following persons were duly elected.

DAVID CHAMBERS, SAMUEL HOWELL, JUN.,
JOHN WILLIAMS, Judges.
GEORGE BARTRAM, JAMES ROSE,
THOMAS LEECH, WILLIAM COLLADAY,
JOSEPH MOULDER, ROBERT KNOX,
JOHN STILLE, JAMES LOUGHEAD,
ANDREW TYBOUT, JOHN TAYLOR,
NATHAN COOKE, J. B. SMITH,
Inspectors, For the City.

Benjamin Franklin, Richard Willing, Christopher Pechin,
Joseph Reed, John Purviance, Peter Z. Lloyd,
Thomas McKean, William Heysham, Nathan Brown,
Samuel Meredith, James Millegan, William Wistar,
Samuel Massey, Charles Massey, Joseph Dean,
Sharpe Delaney, James Cresson, Jacob Bargo,
Richard Bache, Benjamin Loxley, Benjamin Rush,
William Rush, Benjamin Harbeson, Robert Smith, hatter,
Joseph Wetherill, Chris. Marshall, Sen., William Hollingshead,
Thomas Barclay, Robert S. Jones, Samuel C. Morris,
John Wilcox, Joseph Parker, William Will,
Thomas Cuthbert, James Reed, Jonathan Mifflin, son
John Cox, Frederick Kuhl, of John,
Thomas Lawrence, Joseph Moulder, Nathaniel Donnell,
Jacob Morgan, Timothy Matlack, Andrew Tybout,
William Jackson, James Ash, John Mease,
John Cadwallader, John Patton, Daniel Robinson,
John Bayard, Nicholas Hicks, Samuel Simpson,
Francis Gurney, Philip Poehm, Michael Shubert,
George Schlosser, Jacob Shreiner, George Meade,
Moore Furman, Daniel Joy, William Colladay,
Christopher Ludwick, Francis Wade, George Morgan,
Jonathan B. Smith, William Ball, Capt. William Davis,
Thomas Pryor, John Linnington, Benjamin Paschall,
William Bradford, Isaac flowell, James Bearles.
John Allen, Joseph Watkins,

Northern Liberties.

John Dickinson, George Leib, William Coates,
Isaac Coitcs, John Brown, James Worrell,
Joseph Copperthwaite, Samuel Bruster, Thomas Hopkin,
William Masters, James Loughead, Robert Hare.

Southwark.

Samul Moore, James Skinner, Robert Knox,
John Duohe, William McMullen, James Barms,
Joseph Blewer, Nathaniel Irish, William Robinson,
Robert Allison, Elias Boyoe, Joseph Falconer

14 May 1776. "Resolved, That Capt. Heysham & Mr. Joseph Watkins be appointed a Committee to receive the directions of this Board, to carry into execution the making of Carriages for the different Canon which may be made or otherwise procured for the use of this Province." However, "Capt. Heysham & Mr. Watkins having declined serving as a Committee, agreeable to their appointment by a Resolve of the 14th inst., " Capt. Loxley and Mr. William Evans were given the job. - from "Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania: from the organization to the termination of..." by Samuel Hazard.

"August 5th.** [1776] Waited on by Capt. Hysham, Capt. Simpson, and John Leamington, who had thrown the twelve ____ of Green Tea, as directed last Committee night, into [the] Delaware; upon which, I copied the resolve, with direction to the printers to publish it and the affair in next newspapers.**" - from "Passages from the Remembrancer of Christopher Marshall, Member of the Committee of Observation and Inspection, and of the Council of Safety."

"Twelve canisters of illicit tea, on the sloop SALLY, Capt. Ball, from St. Croix, were thrown into the Delaware by Capts. Heysham, Simpson, and John Leamington, under orders from the Committe of Inspection." From "History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884," Volume I, L.H. Everts & Co., 1884.

8 November 1776. "Resolved, That Messrs. Jacob Barge, John Parviance, William Heysham, & Wm. Moulder, be appointed a Committee to superintend and direct the purchase, Sale, & distribution of the Salt imported into this State agreeable to the regulations established by this board." - from "Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania: from the organization to the termination of..." by Samuel Hazard

William's son, Robert, took part in the Trenton campaign. His eldest son, William P. Heysham, was a crew member of the privateer REVENGE, commanded by Gustavus Conyngham.

As the threat of invasion and occupation neared, citizens of the city were asked to formally declare their loyalty to the United States government. This oath was directed, in great part, at the Quaker community who were trusted by neither the Loyalists nor the Patriots. The Quakers opposed both the taking of oaths and the violence inherent in the Revolution and had, in the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting in 1776, formally directed their members to observe strict neutrality. See The Complexity of Patriotism and Quaker Loyalism in One Pennsylvania Family by Karin A. Wulf, of the American University, for a more complete discussion of the Quaker dilemna.

William Haysham [sic] made his oath of allegiance in 1777 - from "Names of Persons Who Took the Oath of Allegiance to the State of Pennsylvania," by John B. Linn and Willima H. Egle.

As the British moved north, the citizens scrambled to prepare, moving valuables out of the town, calling up the militia and rounding up those suspected of favoring the Loyalist cause. The Continental Congress, based on fears that Quakers were sharing intelligence with the enemy, recommended that the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania "apprehend and secure the persons of . . . [including James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel Pemberton, John Pemberton, and Rees Wharton] . . . together with all such Papers in their Possession as may be of a Political nature." From "History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884," Volume I, L.H. Everts & Co., 1884.

The Council decided to expand the list of those to be arrested and asked David Rittenhouse, William Bradford, Sharp Delaney and Charles Willson Peale to identify addition persons "dangerous to the state." From the "Journal And Transactions Of The Exiles, Citizens 0f Philadelphia, Sent To Winchester, Virginia from 2 September 1777 to 30 April 1778:

"A Report had for some weeks prevailed that lists of a great number of persons were made out, with an intent shortly to apprehend and confine them; but for what cause was a profound secret. Several who had the confidence of some of the leading men had seen the lists, and from what they could discover in conversation, it was understood that four or five hundred of the respectable inhabitants were to be secured and sent out of the city."

On 1 September 1777 the Committee of Safety of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, Thomas Wharton President, appointed and authorized the following persons "to carry into execution the resolves of the committee respecting the arrest of such persons deemed inimical to the cause of American liberty [including]: William Bradford, Sharpe Delaney, William Heysham, Charles W. Peale, and Lazarus Pine." Three quarters of the men named refused to give parole and were arrested and confined in the Mason's Lodge.

"The Supreme Executive Council of the state issued orders for the arrest and exile of some of the leading and wealthiest Quaker merchants in the city. In late August, Captain William Heysham, at the head of a militia company, had to half-carry John Pemberton from his home to . . . " - from "Arms, Culture, and Class: The Philadelphia Militia"

Those arrested were initially imprisoned in the Free Masons Lodge. Those who would swear fidelity and allegiance to Pennsylvania were freed. Many gave their parole and left the city. Later, on 11 September, the remaining prisoners were loaded on wagons, drawn through town where large crowds gathered to watch, and then sent on the long journey into exile from the colony. They were first taken, via the Great Wagon Road, to Staunton, and then, finally, backtracked to Winchester, Virginia where they remained until April 1778, when they were released.

On 10 September 1777, the day before the Battle of Brandywine, the Committee of Safety directed a Major Casdrop to keep a guard on the bridge over the Schuykill river, on the west side of the city, and to destroy it when so ordered. He was further ordered to remove all boats from the west side of the Schuykill river. They also ordered that no person be allowed to go over to the west side of the Schuykill unless they produced a pass signed by either Benjamin Paschall or William Heysham, or could produce a Certificate of their having taken the Oath of Allegiance to the United States.

Robert Heysham, William's youngest son, was a militia volunteer at Brandywine, entrenched on the left side of the American front, and was one of about 400 Americans captured and held prisoner. Based on later muster reports he was released no later than August 1778, but probably by the time the British evacuated the city on 18 June 1778. William's eldest son, William P. Heysham, was also taken prisoner at about this time. He was crewing a prize ship of the privateer REVENGE when the ship was retaken by the Royal Navy. William Jr. was to remain in the Old Mill Prison in Plymouth, England through at least 1779.

As inevitable occupation neared, William Heysham assisted in removing the chime of bells from the Christ Church tower. Note that "Vestrymen at Christ Church hesitated to remove the church's bells because of the expense involved, and as a result, Pennsylvania's commissary generals took seven bells from Christ Church and two from St. Peter's." - from "Old City Philadelphia: Cradle of American Democracy. Does this mean that William was a commissary general? His later career seems to imply that.

"Sept. 15 . . . I have heard from 2 or 3 persons to day, that ye Church Bells are being taken down; ye Bridge over the Schuykill taken up, and ye Ropes across ye Ferry cuty." - from "Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker, from 1759 to 1807, A. D." by Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, Henry Drinker Biddle

Christ Church, Philadelphia The church, located on 2nd street and Market, was founded in 1695. The present building was built starting in 1726 and completed by 1744. The tower and steeple, in part funded by lotteries organized by Benjamin Franklin, were finished in 1754. The baptismal font was sent from England and was the original used to baptize William Penn. Christ Church's Bells are one of three rings of bells which were installed in the United States prior to the American Revolution. The Bells were cast by the foundry at Whitechapel, England owned by Thomas Lester and Thomas Pack, the same firm which first cast the Liberty Bell two years before Christ Church's bells were cast in 1754. The bells of the church were rung on 8 July 8 1776 to announce the first public reading of the Declaration of Independence. A few months later the Liberty Bell and the bells of Christ Church were removed and hidden in Old Zion Reformed Church in Allentown for safekeeping during the invasion of Philadelphia. The bells were returned and re-hung in August of 1778.

What happened to William during the nine-month British occupation? As a well known patriot both his life and property were at risk. He had been in positions of authority whose intrusive nature and prospective impact on other's income and property was so profound that he must have angered many who would be ready now for revenge. There is no indication from the information above, however, that William was planning to leave the city. Note also that none of the tax reports for the city and province show any indication that he owned land, so there was no 'country estate' for him to escape to. Others did make plans. Charles Willson Peale, an acquaintance of William's, spent the last days before the British arrival finding a refuge outside Philadelphia for his family. He then rejoined the American forces. William may have done something similar, finding a sympathetic associate in the country to watch his family, while he shifted for himself. I have recently found the following that notes William's arrest on the first day of the occupation.

Sept. 25 . . . Most of our warm people [that is, warm/hot feelings for independence] are gone off, tho' there are many who continue here that I should not have expected . . .
Sept. 26. Well! here are ye English in earnest; about 2 or 3000 came in through Second street, without opposition or interruption--no plundering on ye one side or ye other. What a satisfaction would it be to our dear absent friends could they but be informed of it; our end of ye Town has appeared the greater part of this day like ye first day of ye week. I understand that Barnhill, Hysham, and some others are taken up. It is recommended to ye inhabitants to continue to assist in guarding ye Town each night for some time yet. Cornwallis came with those troops to day--Gen Howe is not yet come in." - from "Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker, from 1759 to 1807, A. D." by Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, Henry Drinker Biddle

A later snippet from Elizabeth Drinker's diary, as yet undated, reads,

"the Afternoon with Debby Morris -- very fine weather Molly [Lahew] Wm. Heysham call'd, to settle some matters relating to Henry Moore at Cranberry [Cranbury]." - from the "Diary of Elizabeth Drinker"

According to General Howe's aide, Major John Andre, between one-sixth and one-third of Philadelphia's population, estimated then at more than 34,000, fled in the days before the occupation. A loyalist who remained complained that the arriving British troops were looting and that the army was responding with floggings. British officers occuppied the better homes, often doing great damage to them. By the way, John Andre was later hanged by the Americans. He had been captured, behind the lines, in civilian dress and under an assumed name, that is, as a spy. He was Benedict Arnold's contact in the treason at West Point.

How long was William a prisoner of the British? Some men won their freedom, but most soldiers were in for the duration of the occupation. Whether long or short, it was an uncomfortable stay.

"American prisoners, about 500 of them, were put into the two jails, the Walnut Street Prison [called the British Provost] and its predecessor at Third and Market; the officers were confined in the State House. The deprivations suffered by the men in the jails were extreme. Fed barbarously restricted rations, they supplemented their diet with wood, leather, and rats. The provision baskets they hopefully suspended to the street level yielded very little." - from "Philadelphia: A 300-Year History" by Russell Weigley, Nicholas B. Wainwright, Edwin Wolf

The Walnut Street Prison The old jail, on the southwest corner of Market and Third, was replaced by a more substantial one on Walnut street, though the earlier jail was still in use in 1777-1778. "On Walnut Street, near Sixth, was the prison used as the British Provost in 1778. It was under the charge of that infamously cruel scoundrel, Captain Cunningham, a burly, ill-natured Irishman of sixty years, whose conduct as provost marshal here and in New York has connected his name with all that is detestable. There were confined the American prisoners taken at Brandywine and Germantown, many of whom died of starvation after feeling the lash of Cunningham's whip, or the force of his heavy boot, and were buried in the Potter's Field near by, now the beautiful Washington Square. It makes the blood curdle to read of the sufferings of those who fell under the sway of that monster, so devilish in all his ways. The miseries of others seemed to give him great delight; and often, in the sight of the starving prisoners, would he kick over a pail of soup, or scatter a basket of fruit or cold victuals which some benevolent hand had placed upon the door-stone with the hope that it might nourish the famished soldiers! We shall meet him hereafter as provost marshal in New York. Tradition says he was hung at Newgate, in England; but the records of that prison, examined by Mr. Bancroft, exhibit no such name." - from Watson's "Annals of Philadelphia"

The administrative life of the city went on, even under British rule. The landowners of the city were tabulated in October 1777. Those living on Arch street, between Third and Fourth street, were, from west to east, Catherine Keppel Cross, Leonard Kessler, Conrab Abel, James Watkins Estate, Benjamin Loxley, George Gilmore, Samuel Griscom (Betty Ross' father), William Heysham, Lawrence Growden Esate, and the Second Presbyterian Church. Across the street were the Quakers and their burial ground. Benjamin Franklin lived, or at least had land, on the next block to the west, across from the Christ Church burial ground.

After the British evacuated in June 1778, leaving the city in a shambles, William, now freed, and others replaced the bells at Christ Church.

An assessment of the damages sustained by the inhabitants in the occupation was made by the city.

Mulberry Ward. (West part)
Andrew Epple, Assessor.
. . .
Heysham, William . . . 286 3 --
. . . - from "The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography"

On 23 July 1778 Captain William Heysham was appointed a Warden of the Port of Philadelphia. From the Records of the Navigation Commission For The Delaware River And Its Navigable Tributaries:

"The legal status of the Port of Philadelphia was first defined in the City Charter granted by William Penn in 1701 . . . In 1762 the General Assembly passed "An Act for the Recovery of the Duties of Tonnage Upon Ships and Vessels and Certain Other Duties Upon Wine, Rum, Brandy and Other Spirits and Upon Sugar" . . . An Act passed by the Provincial Assembly on February 8, 1766 provided for the appointment of Wardens for the Port of Philadelphia. The Wardens were responsible for issuing pilot licenses and making rules and regulations governing their service . . . Following the outbreak of the American Revolution, Luke Morris, Samuel Mifflin, Samuel Howell, Captain Joseph Stiles, Captain William Heysham, Commodore Andrew Cardwell, and Captain Nathaniel Falconier were appointed on July 23, 1778."

Based on the above, is it possible that William Heysham was, like Morris, Thomas Mifflin, Stiles, and Falconier, also part of the "Supply Corps" during the war? It makes sense, considering both his age and his experience as a merchant, that he had more to do with actions behind the lines than in front of them.

In 1778 William Heysham was a member of The Patriotic Association, the more radical of the two nascent political parties in the city. The other political club was the Republican Society.

"Member of the Patriotic Association of Philadelphia, 1778.
. . .
William Heysham" - from the "Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography"

The Patriotic Association would later take the lead in fighting price fixing. See William's involvement with Robert Morris below.

Just as loyalist's had harassed the patriots of Philadelphia during the British occupation, when the King's army left revenge was taken. From the "Journal of Samule Rowland Fisher,"

"11th mos: 27. Joseph Pritchard was brought into my Room, having been this day tryed at what they call the Supreme Court, for having been employed by the Brittish [sic] when in this City to attend at the Middle ferry on Schuylkill to inspect all persons going in or out of the City & was charged with having since used words greatly derogatory of the present Rulers & being by the Jury, so called, found guilty of Misprision of Treason as they term it, he was sentenced to the forfeiture of half his Lands & Tenements, Goods & Chattles, & imprisonment during the War without Bail or Mainprize . . .
11th mo: 29th. While Joseph Pritchard's Wife was here, James Claypoole, Tom Elton, William Heysham & John McCollough broke into Joseph Pritchard's dwelling house & took an account of all his moveables that were there; & on the day following they came again with porters and carried off almost every thing, except a Table, a few Chairs, some books & other small matters, to a house in Spruce Street, near Second Street, where they were publickly sold by Thomas Hale & Robert Smith, appointed by the present Rulers for the Sale of what they call confiscated Estates." - from "The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography."

"A widespread fear of Toryism continued to prevail in Philadelphia after the re-occupation of the city by the Americans. During 1779 a number of supposed British sympathizers were prosecuted on various charges . . . Joseph Pritchard was found guilty of misprision of treason [an act of sedition against the government] and laid under the penalty of losing his property and being imprisoned during the war . . ." - from "The Legacy of the American Revolution to the British West Indies and Bahamas" by Wilbur Henry Siebert

24 October 1781. "The Council taking into consideration the case of the following persons now confined in the gaol of the city and county of Philadelphia, to wit: Joseph Pritchard and John Linley, convicted of misprision of treason . . . " - from "Colonial Records of Pennsylvania" by Samuel Hazard.

On 3 December 1778 William joined in a petition against forestalling [hoarding]. The petition noted "That a number of persons in the City have lately taken up the Business of purchasing and storing large quantities of Flour and some other of the necessaries of Life which they have by various artifices raised to so great a price as to make the Poor almost clamerous and must in the end be attended with bad consequencies." - from "The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography." This was a dig against businessmen, like Robert Morris, who were not ashamed to make a profit. Other signers included Benjamin Paschall, William Rush, William Adcock and Charles Willson Peale.

On 10 December 1778, by order of the Committe of Safety, Captain Heysham, with a number of other men, was placed in charge of 'preventing forestalling etc., in the Philadelphia Market.' Forestalling refers to hoarding. It was ordered that,

"William Heysham, George Schlosser, & William Hollingshead, be appointed & requested to make inquiry in all that part of the City from Market Street Northward, including the North Side of Market Street, concerning the engrossing of Flour & other necessaries of Life, & make report as soon as may be, to this Council, of such facts as have come or shall come to their knowledge, concerning the issue;"

William was one of three auditors of the will of Oswell Eve.

"At a Court of Claims held at Philadelphia for the State of Pennsylvania the 22nd day of April Anno Domini 1779. Present The Honorable Thomas Mc Kean & Justice William Augustus Atlee.

Upon the Claim of Mary Moore exhibited to this Court against Oswell Eve's Estate stating that certain Goods and Chattles to wit one Chest of Drawers, one feather Bed and Bedsteads one Chamber Table and six Chairs which had been seized as the Property of Oswell Eve presently belonged to the said Claimant and also that the said Oswell Eve was justly indebted to the said Mary Moore in the Sum of five hundred & seven pounds three Shillings.

William Hollingshead William Heysham And William Rush or any two of them are appointed Auditors to examine into the Justice of the said Claim And make Report to the Court.

From the Recorder
Edw. Burd, prot Sup. Cur."

"We the above named Auditors having Examined the Account; & heard the witnesses of Mary Moore, do find that the estate of Oswell Eve is indebted to the Said Mary Moore the Summ of five hundred & fourteen pounds three Shillings & four pence.

May 12th 1779 As witness our hands

William Hollingshead
Wm Heysham
William Rush

Recorded 22 Apl, 1779. Prest as Chief Justice is W. Atlee
William Hollingshead, William Rush & Wm Heysham appointed Auditors"

On 2 October 1779, President Reed of the Supreme Executive Council appointed William Heysham, and others, by letter as Commissioners tasked with determining the quantity of salt in the city above the allowance of a common family, that is a "Peck for every Poll in each Family above 7 Years of Age." The residue was to be considered public property and paid for accordingly [though most likely with worthless Continental script]. The Commissioners were to determine whether this residue should be collected in one point or if it were safe to leave it in the hands of the current holders. They were required to make weekly reports. Importantly, the letter went on to say,

"Should you meet with any Opposition or Insult in the Course of your Duty on the Occassion you are authorized to call on the Magistrates, Sheriffs, Constables & other Civil Officers."

The Effective Supply Tax of the city of Philadelphia for 1779 lists William Heysham with a Tax of 26 [pounds?].

In April 1779 an incident occurred with heightened the popular dissatisfaction with the scarcity and costliness of provisions. A poleacre [a type of merchant ship], named the VICTORIOUS, and some other vessels arrived in port laden with flour. It was expected that a reduction in the price of flour would follow, but instead it had risen. Robert Morris, Blair McClenacham and others, who were interested in the ships, were openly censured, and at a town meeting on 24 May, General Roberdeau presiding, a committee, including Tom Paine and Charles W. Peale, was appointed to make inquiries with Morris. At the same meeting William Bradford, George Schlosser, Capt. Heysham, Philip Boehm, Thomas Casdrop, George Ord, among others, were chosen as a committee of inspection to determine what the prices of various articles should be. William was this committee's chairman.

"From the date of this letter to the chairman, Mr. Heysham, until July 2, he [Morris] heard nothing further." - from "Robert Morris and the Episode of the Polacre "Victorious, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography"

From The Virginia Gazette of 12 June 1779, in an article about the meeting, above, General Roberdeau's remarks were reported:

"Gentlemen, although I feel pain from the situation in which you have been pleased to place me, it is with pleasure I meet you, my fellow citizens, to consider and determine upon measures for our mutal and publick happiness. A beneficent God has hitherto blessed us with success, and carried us through a four years war with as few misfortunes as could possibly be expected. We have much to be thankful for; and though many worthy individuals have greatly suffered, yet, as a nation, we have but little to complain of.

The dangers we are no exposed to, arise from evils created among ourselves. I scorn, and I hope every citizen here scorns the thought of getting rich by sucking the blood of his country. Yet, alas! This unnatural, this cruel, this destructive practice, is the greatest cause of our present calamities. The way to make our money good is to reduce the price of goods and provisions. It is not the quantity of money which any man gets, but how far his money will go when he comes to lay it out again, that makes him poor or rich.

. . . Whereas the prices of goods and provisions have, within the space of five or six months, risen to an enormous height, far beyond what they ought to be in proportion to the quantiy of the money.

Resolved, That the publick have a right to enquire into the causes of such extraordinary abuses, and prevent them.

And whereas, since the late importation of a cargo of goods, said to have been since purchased or configured to the management of Mr. Robert Morris, merchant, or others, the prices of all kinds of dry goods have been greatly advanced to the injury of the publick, and the great detriment of trade.

Resolved, . . . will appoint a committee to enquire of Mr. Robert Morris, or others, what part he or they have acted respecting the said cargo . . .

Resolved, That we do unconditionally insist and demand that the advanced, or monopolized, price of the present month be instantly taken off, and that the prices of those articles be immediately reduced to what they were the first day of May instant.

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting that no person, who by sufficient testimony can be proved inimical to the interest and independence of the United States, be suffered to remain among us and that the committees be directed to take measures for carrying this resolution into execution.

The following Gentlemen were appointed on the committees . . . And the following Gentlemen, together with the former, were appointed to a committee for carrying the other resolves into execution. . . [including] Capt. Heysham.

Robert Morris made his case and,

"The facts being as such, he was surprised to receive from William Heysham on June 17 a brisk note requesting him to attend the Committee on Complaints next morning at ten o'clock to answer a charge concerning flour. To this he made an immediate reply . . . He supposed that the charge against him had arisen out of purchases in that article [flour] made by him for the French fleet at the request and order of his Most Christian Majesty; and he volunteered to wait upon any appointed members of the committee, should they wish it, after sunset hours." - from the "Robert Morris and the Poleacre "Victorious"," from the "Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography."

"Instead of replying at once to Alexander Boyd's letter, Morris laid the matter before the Honorable Mr. Holker. The representative of the French monarch not permitting his American purchaser to make the required report, Morris presently addressed William Heysham in his capacity as chairman of the Committee of Complaints . . ."

"From the date of this letter to the chairman, Mr. Heysham, until July 2, he heard nothing further. On that latter day a new letter, enclosing a brace of resolutions, reached him. The communication came now from William Henry, chairman of the Committee on Prices for Philadelphia."

Morris' problems were not over, however,

"The committee was satisfied by his explanatory letter, but not so the Constitutionalists. The "Furious Whigs" spread the report that he had large quantities of flour stored in his warehouses, which he was hoarding there. When women besieged him in his office begging for flour, he sent the Committee of Complaints a reproachful note, saying, "Four or five poor women with sacks under their arms came to me this morning, demanding supplies of flour, alleging they were directed by the Committee to me for that purpose and informed by them that I had received two wagon loads of flour from the country yesterday. I confess this surprised me a good deal at first, but on reflecting a little, it seems highly improper the Committee or any of their members could be capable of giving such directions, because some of them had before been informed by my clerks that the flour under my care belonged to His Most Christian Majesty [the King of France], and my letter to Capt. Heysham yesterday confirmed it; consequently it must be known I could not deliver it to any person, but by orders of my employers." - From "Forgotten Patriot: Robert Morris" by Eleanor Young, 1950.

What role did William Heysham play in the machinations against Robert Morris? Was he one of the disaffected merchants who was eager to see the high-flying Morris brought down, or was he chosen to investigate Roberdeau's claims because he was known to be disinterested? Those clearly on Morris' side at this time included John Cadwalader, Andrew Caldwell, Sharpe Delaney, and Benjamin Rush. Both sides agreed to the election of a new committee for the regulation of the sale of provisions, which again included William Heysham - From "Philadelphia History, 1608-1884." I now suspect, based on William's membership in the Constitutional Society, or Patriotic Association, as opposed to the Republican Society in which Morris and Rush belonged, that he was an anti-Morrisite and actively supported the Constituionalist's anti-price-fixing campaign. The others involved in this affair, Bradford, Peale, Rittenhouse, Paine, Schlosser, and Casdrop were also Constitutionalists or Whigs.

The Supreme Executive Committe met on 25 August 1779. They had received, some time past, a petition from Joseph Greswold Jr., in favor of his father, attainted, requesting a pardon. Captain Heysham had been requested to make an inquiry and report. The Captain made his report at this meeting that, amongst other findings, Joseph Greswold the Elder was a Person of disaffected character. The petition was not granted. William's report in its entirety is available in the Pennsylvania archives.

On 12 October 1779 William Heysham was listed as an Assistant Judge of election returns, along with Benjamin Paschall and William Adcock, and assorted inspectors, Freeholders of Philadelphia. They attested that George Bryan, Michl. Shubart, William Hollingshead, Jacob Schriner, and Charles William Peale were duly elected Representatives in the General Assembly for the city of Philadelphia. On the same day they attested to the election of William Moore, Esquire, as Councellor for the city.

On 5 November 1779 the Supreme Executive Council of Philadelphia met in council, Joseph Reed, Esq., President, presiding. Also present were Mr. Moore, Mr. Gardner, Mr. Lacey, Mr. Read [Reed?] and Mr. Hambright. The following minutes were taken,

"Whereas, Complaints have been made to us by Captain William Heysham, one of the Commissioners for procuring salt, that he hath been grossly insulted by Ludwig Kuhn, of this City, on that account; And the said Complaint having been supported by sundry affadavits,

Resolved, That the said Ludwig Kuhn attend this Board on Monday next at twelve O'clock, to answer the said Complaint, or in failure thereof, this Board will issue process against him; And that a copy of the above be served on Ludwig Kuhn.

Resolved, That the Secretary write to Captain Heysham to advise him of the above."

"Ludwig Kuhn, agreeable to the order of Council of the Sixth Instant, attended, and being called in, and the charge against him by Captain Heysham being mentioned to him, He acknowledged that he had used very gross and insulting language to the said Heysham and threatened to throw him into the Dock; and in the course of his Examination on this subject, he, the said Kuhn, behaved himself in a contemptuous manner to this Board."

"On consideration,
Ordered, That he be committed to the Gaol of the county, and there confined until he be delivered in due course of Law."

The Effective Supply Tax of the city of Philadelphia for 1779 lists William Heysham, with a Tax of 6.10.0.

William Hysham was on the tax lists for Mulberry Ward, Philadelphia in 1779, "6100 . . . 91 and 10," and 1780, "5350 . . ., 87 ad 10."

On 27 May 1780 William Heysham was listed as an Assistant Judge of election returns, along with Benjamin Paschall and William Adcock, and assorted inspectors, Freeholders of Philadelphia. They attested that James Hutchinson, Esquire, was duly elected a Member of the House of Representatives for the city of Philadelphia.

"This Indenture made the twenty seventh Day of May in the year of our Lord one Thousand Seven hundred and Eighty, between James Claypoole Esquire High Sheriff of the City and County of Philadelphia, of the one Part, and Benjamin Paschall, William Adcock and William Heysham Esquires Assistant Judges and Philip Boehm, Ephraim Bonham, and Samuel McLeane Esquires, Casper Weest, William Tharp, Thomas Shields, Edward Oxley, William Richards, Edward Pole, and John Barnhill, Gentlemen, Inspectors, Freeholders of the said City of the other part, Witnesseth, that in pursuance of a writ Issued under the Hand and Seal of the Honorable John Bayard Speaker of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania; on the twenty Seventh Day of May at Philadelphia aforesaid James Hutchinson Esq'r was duly Elected a Member, (of the House of Representatives,) for the City of Philadelphia aforesaid in the Room and stead of the Honorable George Bryan Esquire. In Witness whereof the said Parties to these presents have hereunto set their Hands and Seals the Day and year above written.

JAMES CLAYPOOLE Sheriff [Seal] WILL ADCOCK [Seal] WM. HEYSHAM [Seal] BENJAMIN PASCHALL [Seal] PHILIP BOEHM [Seal] EPHRIAM BONHAM [Seal] SAMUEL McLANE [Seal] CASPHER WURT [Seal] WM. SHARP [Seal] THOS. SHIELDS [Seal] EDW'D OXLY [Seal] WILLIAM RICHARDS [Seal] EDWARD POLE [Seal] JOHN BARNHILL [Seal]" This was a formal certification of the election of James Hutchinson to the Pennsylvania Legislature." - from "Pennsylvania Archives - Sixth Series," 1907: Vol. 11, pg. 350, Thomas Lynch Montgomery, editor"

On 15 July 1780 the Supreme Executive Council received an application from Mr. Isaac Moses, merchant of Philadelphia, to sell, by auction, four chests of damaged Bohea tea [a black tea from China]. William Heysham, Philip Boehm and Hillary Baker Jr. were appointed to view these goods and determine if they were, in fact, damaged.

The Supreme Executive Council met on 19 July 1780.

"Messrs. Heysham, Boehm, and Baker, having, agreeable to order of the 15th, reported the tea mentioned in Isaac Moses' petition, to be damaged,
Resolved, That the city auctioneer have leave to dispose thereof . . ."

From a letter from Judge Hopkinson to Matthew Clarkson, Marshall, written 11 August 1780:

"Sir,

Some Doubts having arisen as to the Propriety of suffering Prize Goods to be sold by public Venue unless the same shall on Inspection be found to be in a perishing condition. I have directed William Heysham & William Budden, Esquires, to examine the Situation of the Cargoe on board the ship ALBION, which Cargoe you have advertised for sale this afternoon. Messrs Heysham & Budden have made a report to me that they have carefully examined the "said Cargoe being Liverpool Salt" & that they find the same in good "order & well conditioned & in no immediate Danger of suffering by waste or otherwise."

You are therefore hereby directed not to proceed in a publick Sale of the said salt, but reserve the same to be disposed of as the Court shall order after Trial of the said Ship ALBION, & her Cargoe.
I am Sir
your Obd Serv
Fra's Hopkinson."

From the minutes of the Supreme Executive Committee on 9 October 1780:

"Doctor Adam Kuhn having lately arrived in this port from St. Croix by the way of New York, in the sloop ELIZABETH, commanded by Captain William Westcoat, under a pass from Sir George Bridges Rodney [Admiral of the British Fleet]; and the said Adam Kuhn being examined before this Board, it appears that he is a very suspicious character, whose going at large is dangerous to the Commonwealth;"

Dr. Kuhn's error appears to have been "of returning to Philadelphia from the West Indies in a vessel bearing a British safeconduct." - from "Early American Science: Needs and Opportunities for Study" by Whitfield J. Bell, 1955. His medical colleagues and other distinguished citizens pleaded with the Supreme Executive Council, in vain, to overlook Kuhn's action because he was a man of science whose work was important to the new republic.

On 12 October 1780 the Council ordered Dr. Kuhn, with his wife and family, to depart the State on the sloop ELIZABETH, in which he had arrived, and give security to the amount of 100 pounds not to return during this war to any part of America. Subsequently a letter was written to the council by Dr. Frederick Kuhn, of Lancaster, Adam's brother, who said that Adam may have been too neutral in the war, but that is the worst of it.

On 12 December 1780 Articles of impeachment were brought against Frances Hopkinson, the Judge of the Court of Admiralty for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, by the Representatives of the General Assembly for various crimes and misdemeanors. Matthew Clarkson, Marshall of the Admiralty [court] of the city, and Robert Morris, merchant, appeared against him. The cargo of the ALBION was one of the matters of concern. The case appears to be one of men, kept from selling goods they thought they had a right to sell, taking revenge on their 'oppressor.' On the 22nd the Supreme Executive Committee of the General Assembly met to hear the case. Mr. William Heysham was called in, sworn and gave an account of what he knew about the case. Frances Hopkinson was found not guilty on all articles of the impeachment. From his friendship with Hopkinson, I would assume that William gave testimony favorable to him, and against Robert Morris, adding weight to the contention that William was part of the anti-Morris clique of General Roberdeau and Patrick Henry.

From a Supreme Executive Committee meeting of 22 December 1780:

"A order was drawn on the Treasurer in favour of Mr. William Heysham, for the sum of 229 pounds, 6 and 4, State money, amount of his claim against the estate of Joseph Grieswold [sic], and decreed by the Justices of the Supreme Court." - from "Colonial Records of Pennsylvania" by Samuel Hazard

The Effective Supply Tax of the city of Philadelphia for 1780 lists William Heysham, Capt., with a Valuation of 37,000 [$ ?] and a Tax of 101.15.0. However, the Effective Supply Tax for 1781 lists William Heysham with a Valuation of 950 and a Tax of 9.17.10. Perhaps the difference was a successful voyage in one year. Robert, his son, was listed below him with a zero valuation and Tax of 1.0.0. William Jr. is not listed.

The Effective Supply Tax of the city of Philadelphia for 1782 lists William Hysham with a Valuation of 800 and a Tax of 4.4.8. Robert Hysham is listed below him with a zero valuation and Tax of 0.15.0. William Jr. is not listed.

From a diary entry on 28 January 1782 by the financier, Robert Morris:

"Messrs. Weed, Reuben Haines, Capt. Heysham and [blank] applyed to me to Subscribe Money for the relief of the Prisoners at New York. I urged the impropriety of such a Subscriptin because it ought to be a Public Charge which they agreed to and Mr. G. Morris drew a Petition at their Request." - from "The Papers of Robert Morris"

In 1783 the Peace was signed and America became a sovereign nation. Part of the treaty was an agreement by the Americans to compensate the Loyalists. This was unpopular and never carried out. In Philadelphia, meetings were held declaring that Tory refugees ought not to be permitted to return or remain among Americans who had remained loyal to their country. The committee selected to carry these determinations into effect were the field officers and captains of the militia, and other prominent citizens, [including] Capt. Heysham for Mulberry Ward. This committee met at the City Tavern, the yellow building in the painting at the right [it still exists today], and adopted a resolution giving ten days' notice to all persons coming within the description of the city resolutions to quit the state. Earnest remonstrances were made against the arbitrary and unauthorized course of the committee, which was in conflict with the peace treaty, but no attention was paid to them. From "Philadelphia History, 1609-1884."

A deed was recorded in New York City on 20 May 1784 from Christopher & William Heysham etc, grantors, to John Mowatt, grantee - from "An Essay Towards an Improved Register of Deeds City and County of New York, to Dec. 31, 1799. Inc." John Mowatt was a merchant of New York City, a partner in Alexander & Mowatt, located at 230 Pearl street. Another deed was recorded on 18 May 1785 from Christopher Heysham, grantor, to Christian Shultz, grantee. My best guess is that when Christopher returned to England he left properties in New York City. He may have thought that he would return after the troubles to reclaim his business, or, because he owned them in tandem with his brother, William, he didn't feel at liberty to sell them. William wouldn't have been able to do anything with them during the war because the city was occuppied by the British. In 1784/5 the revolution was over and I suspect the brothers decided to clean up their holdings and split the proceeds. An alternative, and perhaps a better one, is that Thomas Heysham's son, William, had left his house on Golden Hill to his mother, Catherine, and, upon her death, to his uncles, William and Christopher. 1784 may mark the year of Catherine's death when the brothers divested the newly inherited property.

William Heysham witnessed the Will of John Reynell, Merchant of Philadelphia which was signed on 6 July 1784. Estate in Pennsylvania and Maryland. His heirs were his Sister: Mary Groth [City of Exon, Great Britton]. Kinsmen: Samuel Coates, Hannah Shoemaker, Beulah Burge, Benjamin and Edward Shoemaker, Edward and Sarah Pennington, John and Mary Pennington, Josiah Langdale Coates, John Reynald and Hannah Coates, Joseph and Beulah Paschall, Samuel Coates, Junr., Alice Langdale, Joseph and Buelah Coates, Joseph Clarke, Joseph Paschall, Samuel and Lydia Coates, Elizabeth Fassett and her children, Sarah Pennington, Sarah Humphreys, Mary Coates [Wife of Joseph L. Coates]. Friends: William Wilson, John Field, John Parish. In Trust for families in need, Joshua Howell, Joyer Benezet, William Brown, David Estaugh, John Houghton, Rebecca Jones, Hannah Cathrall, Daniel Offly, Junr., Margaret Porter, Sarah Dickinson, Overseers of the Publick School called Friends Grammer School and for a Negro School. Exec: Joshua Howell, Samuel Coates, Joseph Paschall. Wit: William Heysham, Daniel Rundle, Peter Miller. Proved: September 11, 1784.

From the cases of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, 1785.

"In Burrows v. Heyshan, 1 Dall. 134, the president of the Common Pleas, (now chief justice) declared, that on the liberal principles of modern practice, and indeed for the honor of common sense, it was incumbent on the court to direct that a scire facias should be amended by the record, after the judgement was removed by writ of error." - from "Reports of Cases Adjudged in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania"

"William Heyshem, Appellant. Contract by a partnership when damages for its breach cannot be recovered in an action against one partner allegation of a . . . APPEAL by the defendant, William Heyshem, from a judgment of the Supreme Court in favor of the plaintiff, entered in the office of the clerk of the county . . ." - from "Reports of Cases Heard and Determined in the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the state of New York" by Marcus Tullius Hun, Jerome B. Fisher, Austin B. Griffin.

A warrant for 400 acres in Catawissa, Northumberland county was granted to William on 27 September 1786. The return date here was 10 September 1796. Henry Drinker was the patentee. See Catawissa. See the plat map at C95 193. William's son, William P. Heysham, had a similar warrant on this date.

The Philadelphia society for Alleviating the Miseries of Public Prisons was instituted in May 1787. William Heysham was elected to the society on March 1788.

"Heysham, William . . . gentleman . . . 107 Mulberry St." - from "They Were in Prison: A History of the Pennsylvania Prison Society, 1787-1937" by Negley King Teeters, Albert Gray Fraser

On 4 July 1788 Philadelphia celebrated the establishment of the Constitution of the United States with a Grand Procession [see the Robert Heysham page for more]. Towards the end of the parade was,

"XXXI. The Marine Society, Capt. Greenaway, carrying a globe, supported by Capts. Heysham and Alberson, with spyglasses in their hands.

Ten captains, five abreast, with quadrants, representing the ten States that have joined the Union, viz., John Woods, John Ashmead, William Miller, Samuel Howell, John Souder, Robert Bethel, William Allen, Willam Tanner, Leeson Simons, and George Atkinson.

Members of the society, six abreast, with trumpets, spyglasses, charts, and sundry other implements of their profession, wearing badges in their hats representing a ship, -- eighty-nine in number." - from the "History of Philadelphia 1609-1884" by J. Thomas Scharf

"The Sea Captains Club
. . .

Laying aside financial worries, the Society joined in the great Federal procession of July 4, 1788 which heralded the ratification of the Constitution of the United States. Special meetings were held by the managers to perfect arrangements, and all members who were not at sea gathered at Captain John Hazlewood's house in Southwark at 8 o'clock in the morning of that momentous day. The Society held the thirty-first position in the mile and a half line which an hour later moved northward in Third Street from Cedar (now South) Street.

Leading off was aged William Greenway, bearing a globe, and behind him, striding along abreast, came William Heysham and Rickloff Alberson, carrying spyglasses. Ten captains, five in a row, representing the ten states which had ratified, came next, each holding a Godfrey quadrant. They were followed by the rest of the members of the Society, eighty-nine in all, numbering many who had joined since the war's end . . .

. . . Then, there was young Ephraim Warner, whose father Elisha had died in the spring of 1790, and whose appeal for help was so poignant that a committee (Charles Biddle, William Heysham, and Leeson Simmons) hastened "to Obtain Justice for the said petitioner." They found him ill with smallpox, and agreed to bear his expenses until he had recovered . . .

- from "The Sea Captains Club" by William Bell Clark in "The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography."

A survey of two 400 acre parcels on the Lackawaxin creek in Northampton county, recorded in William and Robert Heysham's names, was made on 7 September 1789. See Northampton for the original. I suspect these were for military and patriotic service during the Revolution. The warrants were "returned" on 17 April 1832. I suspect that meant when they were sold. The patentee was Thomas Astley, the buyer? The following is a link to the plat map, William Heysham.

Note that William had 300 acres surveyed along this river back in 1774, but which he "returned" in 1776.

31 October 1789. "To His Excellency The President . . .
Whereas the Office of Surveyor General is become Vacant by the Death of John Lukens, Esqr., and it being of general Importance that the same should be filled by a Gentleman of Capacity and undoubted Integrity--We, the Subscribers, being fully persuaded that General Daniel Brodhead is a suitable Person, and that his appointment thereto would give general Satisfaction, we take the Liberty to recommend him accordingly."
. . . Wm. Heysham" [and others] - from the "Pennsylvania Archives 1789."

17 November 1789. William and his son were made executors, and his wife and daughters were mentioned in the Will of Susannah Cumming, Late of the City of Philadelphia, Mooreland, county of Philadelphia which was signed on 17 November 1789. A Widow. Her heirs were her Son - Joseph. Nieces - Margaret Craft and her Daughter Maria. Nephew - James Craft. Friends - Mrs. Mary Heysham and her Daughters Mary and Ann, Katharine, Mary, Phibe, and Rachel Comley, James Mounteer. James (Son of Joshua Comley). Exec. Joseph Cumming, Robert Heysham, William Heysham Senr. Witnesses-Joshua Comly, Ann Heysham. Proved. 26 April 1791. The use of the suffix Senr. for William Heysham implies that William Jr. was 'in-town' by 1789 and therefore a distinction needed to be made.

Sometime, probably in the middle 1770's, William sold some land to Samuel Morgan for which the mortgage papers were lost during the war. In 1790, apparently in order to clear title for a subsequent sale, William attested to the sale. The verbage is confusing, but Huysham clearly means Heysham.

"Be it Remembered that on the 22 Day of February 1790 personally appeared before me the Subscriber, one of the Judges of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas for the County of Salem in the State of New Jersey, Samuel Roberson of full age being Legally Sworn did Depose and say that on or about the twenty eight day of August last part he was present and with Samuel Morgan in the City of Philadelphia and hear William Huysham (?) say unto Samuel Morgan that he did write Down Anth. Keasbey, Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas in and for the County of Salem late a certain Mortgage form of the Mortgage Book in his Lands as Clerk when Samuel Morgan, viz., had given unto the said Huysham for a certain sum of which he the said he had Received full satisfaction of the above said Samuel Morgan viz. in his life time and that he had no Demand whatsoever against the Deceased Estate and Samuel Morgan wanted him to Deliver the Mortgage Deed and said the Deed was Lost in the time of the war or when the British was in Philadelphia and further the Despondent saith not.

Sworn before me the Day above written, John Mayhew
Recorded the 6th of June 1790, Keasby"
- from the Mortgage Deed Book of Salem county, New Jersey

In the first Federal census in 1790, William Heysham, gentleman, was living at number 107 Arch street. For some reason Ancestry.com says the address was "Water Street East Side." There were three men and three women residing there. I assume this included Captain Heysham, his two sons, Robert and William, his wife, and two daughters, Mary and Ann. John Gibbons, "Doct P [Doctor of Physick]," who married William's daughter, lived at number 103. This is the same address as used in the Biddle Directory. As discussed elsewhere, on one side of William, at #109, was Matthew Clarkson Esq., later mayor of the city, and on the other, at #105, was Alexander Wilcocks Sr., "Atty, Recorder of the City." At 111 appears to have been the "Kesley Hospital"? Further up, between 99 and 101 Arch Street was the Presbyterian Meeting House. Today's Arch Street Presbyterian church was not built until 1853.

On 24 March 1791 Mary Heysham, William's wife, died at the age of 68.

"1791. 6th Day, 25th [sic] . . . Willian Kenly's son, a young man of 20, died suddenly, and was buried to-day; also, William Heyshan's wife, who also died very suddenly." - from the "diary of Caleb Cresson, 1791-1792."

on 3 April 1792 William and Robert Heysham were given warrants for 400 acres each in Allegheny county, see Allegheny. The date of return for the plat survey was not until August 1799. The patentee was "John Field, et al (in trust)." The plats were are A3 18 for William and C87 38 for Robert, both "situate on the waters of Lake Erie."

On 16 April, during the panic of 1792, William Heysham of Philadelphia, bought public securities offered by the United States Treasurer, Samuel Meredith - from "Alexander Hamilton, Central Banker: Crisis Management and the Lender of Last Resort During the U.S. Financial Panic of 1792" by David J. Cown, Richard Sylla and Robert E. Wright

William was elected a member of the Society of the Sons of St. George on 23 April 1793 - from Theodore M. Banta's "Sayre Family," 1901, and based on information from the family Bible of William Heysham Sayre, William's great-grandson. This was the first meeting of the society, making William a founding member.

"It is presumed that all those, or nearly all who signed their names at the first meeting, on the 23d April, 1772, were of English birth, and all of English parentage;"
. . .
Heysham, Capt. William (O.M.) . . . 1772, April 23" - from "A History of the Society of the Sons of St. George"

William's sword, per Banta, was in the possession of William Heysham Sayre, in South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Another descendent, the Reverand Theodore Heysham, claimed the sword was in his possession, though he may have been referring to the sword of William's son, Robert.

William witnessed the Will of Leonard Kessler, City of Phila, Cabinet maker which was signed on 2 January 1794. His heirs were his Wife: Mary Kessler. Children: John, Elizabeth, Rachel and Hannah. Maria and Rachel, dau. of son Michael. Exec: Wife Mary, son John and friend John Olden of Philadelphia, merchant. Wit: William Heysham, Michael Keppele, Henry Keppele. Proved: February 8, 1804. 1.176. Wills: Abstracts, Book 1 - Part A: 1802 - 1804: Philadelphia Co, PA.

From The Pennsylvania Gazette of 14 January 1795, Item #80182, 'At a meeting of the Society for the Relief of Poor Distressed Masters of Ships, their Widows and Children, on the 5th instant, being their annual election of Managers and Treasurer, the following members were chosen, viz.

Managers. William Heysham, Sampson Harvey, George Ord, Robert Bethell, John Woods, Charles Biddle, William Allibone, John Souder, John Lockton, Nathaniel Falconier, Stephen Gerrard, Nathaniel Galt.
Treasurer. James King.

"Wm. Heysham" was a subscriber to Thomas Arnold's "American Practical Lunarian and Seaman's Guide." Thomas Arnold instructed "gentlemen designed for and engaged in a seafaring life, in Navigation and Lunar Observations, ascertaining Longitude by Chronometers and rating them, etc., the Mode of determining the Errors of the Sextant, and its Use, with actual practice, the same as at sea, on the reasonable terms." Evening classes, as well as private lessons, were offered. This was not published until August 1822. How could William have subscribed after his death (and that of his son, William P.)? Perhaps he subscribed while the book was being compiled.

William died in Philadelphia on 26 September 1797 at the age of 77. Interestingly his burial was recorded in "Yellow Fever Deaths in Philadelphia 1793, 1797, 1798." However, since all burials during this period were being recorded, I don't think there is any necessary implication that William died of Yellow Fever. His will:

Heysham, William. City of Phila. Gentleman. Signed: January 27, 1796. Proved: November 1, 1797. X.635. Children: William, Robert, Mary Gibbons, Ann Sayre. To Society for Relief of Poor and distressed Masters of Ships, their Widows and Orphans. Son-in-Law: Francis Bowes Sayre [John H. Gibbons had predeceased]. Exec: Sons William and Robert Heysham, Son-in-Law Dr. Francis Bowes Sayre. Wit: Nathaniel Falconier, Jesse Thomson, P. Thomson.

William was buried in Christ's church burial ground, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania next to Mary, his wife, and near the tomb of Benjamin Franklin. Just two tombstones away is that of Francis Bowes Sayre, William's son-in-law. It was in Section A, Plot LXXXI. His gravestone is pictured to the left. It states:

There are seven tombstones in a group, next to the wall on 5th street. Though many are illegible today, they were recorded in 1942, from left to right, for John, the son of Francis and Rachel Bowes; Francis and Mary Bowes [his first wife who died 20Oct1725]; William Heysham; Mary Heysham; J.H. Gibbons; Theodosia, the wife of Andrew Reed; and Francis Bowes Sayre.

Christ Church Burial Ground The graveyard is located at the corner of Fifth and Arch streets. It was opened in 1719 after the smaller plot at the church on Second street was filled. In 1840 another plot was opened at Laurel Hill.

William's executor advertised in order to settle his estate.

"All Persons who are indebted to
the estate of William Heysham, sen. of Philadelphia, deceased, are requested to make speedy payment; and those who have any demands against said estate, will please to present them, properly attested, to the subsribers.
William Heysham,
Robert Heysham,
Francis Bowes Sayre, Executors
November 6." - from the "Gazette of the United States" of 12 December 1797

William's house on Arch street was put up for sale by his son, Robert.

"To Be Sold,
Agreeably to the last will and testament of William Heysham, deceased, and possession given immediately, a valuable property in Arch street, between Third and Fourth streets, consisting of the house, No. 107, with the lot on which it is erected, a stable, and other improvements.--The house is 20 feet front, and contains ten good apartments [rooms]. The lot is of the same breadth as the house and 209 feet deep, with a well of water and a very capacious walled cistern, both with pumps in good repair. The stable stands on the rear of the lot and will accomodate four horses and a carriage. This property enjoys the perpetual privilege of a 26 feet court and an alley, 8 feet wide, extending to Cherry Street. Its central position and the advantages it possesses to free ventilation, renders it well worthy the attention of any person wishing to possess an eligible property in Philadelphia.
For further particulars enquirre at No 88, Vine Street--of
Robert Heysham or Francis Bowes Sayre Acting Executors
January 11" - from the "Gazette of the United States" of 22 January 1798

A seal of the coat of arms of Heysham family was brought from England by Captain William Heysham and was in the possession of Theodore Heysham, his descendent, see below. It was similar to that at the top of this page, gules [red], an anchor in pale [upright] or [gold], on a chief [the top third of the shield] of the last [color, that is gold] three torteaux [balls]. There is, however instead of a helm, a stag courant (leaping, facing left), pierced through the neck with an arrow, as on the arms of William Heysham of Greenwich, England. There are stalks of flowers on each side as supporters and a motto underneath, Mea Spes in Deo. Freely translated as "My hope in God." This works well with the Anchor, a Christian symbol of hope. William's use of these arms should indicate a descent from (18) Giles Heysham of Lancaster, but I think, in fact, he is a descendent of (18) John Heysham, Giles brother, and that he displayed these arms improperly. As an American, and a revolutionary, however he might not care about heraldic rules.

William's children were,
(21) Thomas Heysham
(21) Ann Heysham
(21) William Postlethwait Heysham (1756)
(21) Robert Heysham (1758)
(21) Mary Heysham-Gibbon (1762)
(21) Ann Heysham-Sayre (1765)
(21) Jane Heysham
(21) Christopher Heysham

He died at the age of 8. His name was listed on his mother's tombstone. There is no known date of birth or date of death.

She died at the age of 20 months. Her name was listed on her mother's tombstone. There is no known date of birth or date of death.

He was born in New York City in 1756. This is based on a note on William's subsequent career as the mate on a privateer. Note William's middle name, in honor of his grandmother's family, back in Lancaster, England.

As part of his education, William, at the age of 17, was indentured to a ship's captain to learn the trade of merchant adventurer.
- "William Postlethwait Heysham, March 20, 1773 indentured to Capt. Jhn Soder 4 yrs as apprentice mariner & navigator Phil. PA."
-"Records of servants & apprentices bound and assigned before Hon. John Gibson/mayor of Phil. December 5, 1772- May 21, 1773 March 20 William Postlethwait Heysham with consent of his father William, apprentice to Capt. John Souder of Phil." John Gibson, a merchant, was mayor for two one-years terms, from 1 October 1771 to 5 October 1773.
- also, "March 20. William Postlethwaite Heysham with consent of his Father William, apprentice to Capt John Souder of Phil . . . " - from "The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography."
- Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Indentures, 1771-73:
Date Name Port Location Whom Indentured Residence Occupation Term Amount Comment:
20 March 1773 Wm. Postlethwait Heysham Capt. John Souder Philadelphia Apprentice, taught the art and mystery of a mariner and navigator, and found meat, drink, washing and lodging only. 4 yrs.

In his apprenticeship, acting as something like a midshipmen in naval terms, William would have learned basic seamanship, how to set the sails, beat up the coast against contrary winds, and maneuver his ship in the tight quarters of a foreign port; navigation, taking sightings of both the stars and the sun, making appropriate calculations based on tables of data from reference manuals, and the use of charts; mathematics, like spatial geometry; some exposure to the problems of leadership and the loneliness of command; and, as a business man, aspects of trade and deal-making. He would have stood long watches at the conn in sun and rain, seen most of the ports of North America, the West Indies and western Europe, and become a member of the tightknit community of the sea.

HMS ROEBUCK "The British man-of-war Roebuck, 44, cruised about the Virginia and Delaware capes from the middle of March until June [1776]. May 5, in company with the Liverpool, 28, and a number of tenders and prizes, she came up Delaware Bay. On the 8th these vessels were met below Chester by thirteen Pennsylvania galleys and an engagement followed which lasted all the afternoon [see the drawing below]. The Continental schooner Wasp, Captain Alexander, came out of Christiana Creek, into which she had been driven the day before by the British, and recaptured one of their prizes - a brig. The Roebuck was considerably injured in her rigging and, in attempting to get near the galleys, grounded on a shoal; the Liverpool anchored near by for her protection. During the night the Roebuck got off and the British dropped down the river. The galleys followed and another action took place. An American prisoner, impressed on board the Roebuck, says that the galleys "attacked the men-of-war the second day with more courage and conduct [and] the Roebuck received many shots betwixt wind and water; some went quite through, some in her quarter, and was much raked fore and aft . . . During the engagement one man was killed by a shot which took his arm almost off. Six were much hurt and burned by an eighteen-pound cartridge of powder taking fire, among whom was an acting lieutenant." (Am. Arch., IV, vi, 810.) The British ships then retreated. In his official report to the admiral the captain of the Roebuck says: "On the 5th of May I took the Liverpool with me, sailed up the River as far as Wilmington, where I was attacked in a shallow part of the River by thirteen Row Gallies attended by several FireShips and Launches, which in two long Engagements I beat off and did my utmost to destroy . . . After having fully executed what I had in view, I returned to the Capes the 15th." - from "A Naval History of the American Revolution" by Gardner W. Allen, 1913

While William served under Captain Souder America spiraled into revolution.

16 February 1776. "This evening, Captain Souder arrived at Philadelphia from Grenada. On his passage, he spoke a vessel from Cork, the master of which informed him that twenty-five transports, with four thousand troops on board, had sailed from Cork for America. Captain Souder says, that before he left Grenada, a London paper of the thirtieth of last November arrived there, in which was a list of the thirty-nine commissioners appointed to treat with the Congress, among whom were Lord Howe and Governor Johnston." - from "Diary of the American Revolution" by Frank Moore

In the spring of 1777 William's apprenticeship with Captain Souder would have been complete and he would be ready to move on, taking up the duties of a First or Second mate, probably on one of his father's ships. However, by this time the rebellion against British rule was in full swing and as a member of a fully radicalized household he would have been looking for a place to strike his own blow.

The journal of Charles Herbert tells of William's imprisonment as a rebel and privateer in the Old Mill Prison in Plymouth, England. Called the "Relic of the Revolution," the book contains the following citation,

Revenge's Prize, taken August 2d. [no year given]
William Hessam, Philadelphia.
William Fowler, Casco Bay.
Daniel Willet, Newport.

The ship's name as listed, REVENGE'S PRIZE, refers to a merchant vessel taken by the privateer REVENGE and manned by their prize crew. There are a total of nine ships of Herbert's list with similar names: LEXINGTON'S PRIZE, FREEDOM'S PRIZE, REPRISAL'S PRIZE, HAWK'S PRIZE (both a Sloop and a Schooner), CABOT'S PRIZE, STURDY BEGGAR'S PRIZE, RANGER'S PRIZE, and REVENGE'S PRIZE.

There were a number of ship's named REVENGE at this time. The internet has accounts of four such privateers. One is Canadian, that is a Loyalist, one operated in the waters around New England, another in the West Indies (under Captain John Sheffield) and the fourth started its operations in the English Channel in the summer of 1777. The latter is one of the most famous American privateers and was skippered by one of the four greatest captains, Gustavus Conyngham. In "A Relic of the Revolution" there is a page of statistics under the heading,

"Privateer's and Captain Names
Parts of Crews Taken, in Prison
. . .
"Revenge, Captain Cunningham, N.[umber] of Men - 3, Escap'd - 0, Died - 0, Joined Br. Ships - 0, Remain in Prison - 3"

The British Ambassador to Paris complained that the ship had been fitted in a French (and supposedly neutral) port, but Hodge circumvented the diplomatic objection by a feigned sale of the cutter to an English subject, Richard Allen. Nevertheless, Captain Conyngham and his crew of a hundred and six men, including sixty-six French, and, according to an English report, "composed of all the most desperate fellows which could be procured in so blessed a port as Dunkirk," were put on board. The REVENGE then hastily put to sea, on 17 July 1777, before she could be detained in port or stopped off the harbor by an English captain who had threatened to seize and burn her. She sailed ostensibly for Bergen, Norway, but, as soon as she was at sea Captain Gustavus Conyngham, the "Dunkirk Pirate," took command, hoisted Continental colors, and headed for the North Sea. Four days later, on 21 July, REVENGE captured a large schooner, the HAPPY RETURN, and on the 23d made a prize of the brig MARIA. Since British warships were nearby and threatening during both captures, Conyngham burned the prizes. Brig PATTY was brought to on the 25th and ransomed. These Continental successes, so close to the shores of England, sent London insurance rates skyrocketing and inhibited British trade. On July 26th, just a day after she took the PATTY, REVENGE captured the NORTHAMPTON, a brigantine carrying a cargo of hemp and iron. That ship was sent off under a prize crew, but was recaptured, on 2 August 1777, before she could reach port for condemnation proceedings. The British found a prize crew of twenty-one onboard, including sixteen Frenchmen. The NORTHAMPTON was then taken into Yarmouth. For 2 months Revenge remained at sea cruising off north-western Europe and the British Isles before she put in at Kinehead on the northwestern coast of Ireland to repair her bowsprit and to replenish her casks of fresh water. Conyngham, who had been sending his prizes to ports in Spain, now himself headed for the Bay of Biscay, putting in at El Ferrol. In the coming months, REVENGE made several cruises from Spanish ports and captured many prizes. On one of the cruises, Conyngham transited the Straits of Gibraltar and operated in the Mediterranean; and, on another, he sailed to the Azores and the Canary Islands. But word of the cutter's great success reached British ears and the Admiralty ordered English warships to find and destroy her. Moreover, as REVENGE's fame spread, British diplomatic pressure was brought to bear on the Spanish court to bar her from Spanish ports. Conyngham quietly refitted the ship in a small Spanish port and sailed for the West Indies on 1 September 1778. Upon reaching Martinique, REVENGE had captured 60 British vessels, destroying 33 and sending 27 to port as prizes. A cruise in the Caribbean added several other ships, including two British privateers, to her score before REVENGE arrived at Philadelphia on 21 February 1779, laden with arms and munitions for the Continental Army in South Carolina. The cutter was sold at public auction by an act of Congress of 12 March 1779. Soon after the sale to a firm of Philadelphia merchants for service as a privateer, REVENGE operated briefly under charter protecting shipping on the Delaware. The cutter sailed from the Delaware Capes in April in quest for prizes. Conyngham was again the REVENGE's commander and, now, her part owner. However, luck had changed for the ship. While chasing two privateers off the New York coast, REVENGE was taken by British man of war, GALLATEA on 27 April 1779. Conyngham's description of the Revenge: "She was trim, small, but fast as a witch." See also DANFS, the Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships, for more detail on this ship.

In the spring of 1778 REVENGE was operating out of Spanish ports on the Bay of Biscay; Corunna, Ferrol and Bilbao. On one of Conyngham's forays into the Atlantic he went to the Azores, Canaries, and beyond. Many of his prizes, which tried to reach ports in Spain, France or America, were retaken.

"And wealth they certainly earned, for in a short cruise off the coast of Portugal they captured no less than seven small English merchantmen. These were sent to Spain under prize crews, or back to America, the last taking with them some of Conyngham's American sailors." - from "Captain Gustavus Conyngham, U.S.N., Pirate Or Privateer, 1747-1819" by Eleanor S. Coleman

Conyngham's crew had taken a prize on 12 March, the brig BETSEY.

"The brig Peace & Harmony and the brig Betsey were captured in the Atlantic . . . " - from "Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham" by Robert Wilden Neeser

"We Arrived heare the 27th March On Our Small Cruize of 20 days made 6 prizes but Unfortunate one of them retaken in Our Sight And its reported Another being a Lettermark Ship is Carried into Gibralter by two english frigates

one of Our prizes being an Armd Schooner fitted out of Gibralter to Cruize of[f] Cadiz she we burnt the other 3 sent for America A Snow mounting 8 Carriage Guns Some Swivels[;] Loaded with Currants. A Brig with Brill & Raisins. the 3d with Oranges,⁵ . . .

5. These vessels were: snow Fanny, William St. Barbe, master; brigantine Peace & Harmony, George Kennedy, master; and sloop Betsey, John Murphy, master . . . Fanny was sent to Martinique; Peace & Harmony and Betsey were sent to Boston, Mass.; Betsey was retaken before it arrived there." - from "Naval Documents of the American Revolution Volume 12"

"On thursday last arrived here from Madeira as passengers, three masters of British vessels, taken early in the month of March, a little to the NorthEast of that island by the Revenge American privateer, Gustavus Conyngham master. These vessels are as follows.
The Peace & harmony George Kennedy master
Betsey John Murphy
Fanny William St. Barbe" - from "Naval Documents of the American Revolution Volume 12"

"retaken on the the Coast of America (Taken in the Atlantic)" - from "Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruise of Gustavus Conyngham" by Robert Wilden Neeser

"Extract of a Letter from Plymouth, May 3, 1778

Arrived the Earl Bathurst armed ship in six weeks from New York, where every thing remained quiet. The Bathurst has retaken a brig with fruit, called the Betsey, a prize to Cunningham." From the London Chronicle for 1778, May 5-7.

- from Neeser, above.

"Revenge Cutter, Capt. Cunningham, their prize taken April 8, 1778, committed in May.--Wm. Hessman, Philadelphia, Daniel Villet, Newbury [Massachusetts], Wm. Fowler, Casco Bay [Maine], exchanged." - from "List of American Prisoners Committed to Old Mill Prison, England, During the War - Communicated by Jeremiah Colburn," by Josephine Elizabeth Rayne and Effie Louise Chapman, in "The New England Historical and Genealogical Register"

However, the following reference indicates a different ship took William's prize.

"In his diary entry of 8 May, Charles Herbert reported the arrival at Forton of three prisoners, who were "taken in a prize upon the Grand Bank, bound to America, by a large old East Indiaman, which has been made a transport. She was bound from New York to England, with a few of Burgoyne's officers on board, wounded and exchanged." Herbert, Relic of the Revolution, pp. 119-20. In a list of prisoners, Herbert identifies the three men as William Hessam of Philadelphia, William Fowler of Casco Bay, and Daniel Willet of Newport. Ibid., p. 257. The "transport" that Herbert mentions was H.M. storeship Grampus, Comdr. Ambrose Reddall, commander, which had sailed from Newport, R.I., on 15 Apr. carrying Gen. John Burgoyne and several of his officers to England. Mackenzie, Diary 1:266. Grampus was the former H.M.S. Buckingham, a warship of 70 guns converted to a storeship but still armed with 30 guns and manned by 230 men." - from "Naval Documents of the American Revolution, Volume 12"

"This morning arrived the Grampus sloop of war from Rhode Island, from which ship Gen. Burgoyne landed about twelve o'clock. His army is still detained by the Americans." - from a news-letter from Portsmouth dated May 13, as described in "Hadden's Journal and Orderly Book" by James Hadden

HMS Buckingham in the stocks at Deptford

The following causes a problem with the GRAMPUS. According to the next two references, William Heysham entered prison on 8 May, 5 days before GRAMPUS arrived in England.

"[Mill Prison, Plymouth, May 1778]
8th Friday this Day Prisoners Belonging to the Privateer Revenge Augustus Cunningham Mastr. they were taken in a Prize, Willm. Heysham, P[rize] Mastr." - from the "Journal of Dr. Jonathan Haskins" in "Naval Documents of the American Revolution", volume 12

8 May 1778. "This afternoon there were three prisoners brought to prison, who were taken in a prize upon the Grand Bank [off Newfoundland], bound to America, by a large old East Indiaman, which has been made a transport. She was bound from New York to England, with a few of Burgoyne's officers on board, wounded and exchanged. The three who came to prison tell us that they had the offer of entering the English service, yet they chose to come to prison. The prize-master's mate entered the service [of England]; of those who came to prison, there was one Newbury man, one Casco Bay man, and one Philadelphia man."

So the arrival dates don't work for GRAMPUS. Note too that the GRAMPUS was not an old East Indiaman with a few of Burgoyne's officers on board, but a repurposed Royal Navy 70-gun 3rd rate with Burgoyne himself. So which ship did carry William to England? At this point I still prefer the EARL BATHURST. It landed at the right time, in May, before the 8th, and it was an old East Indiaman now serving as a Navy transport.

I've just found a reference to a journal in which the following is found. Confusingly, it refers to a fictional online journal. Is this a literary effort based on "A Relic of the Revolution?" I am intrigued, however, that the author used the Heysham name.

8 May 1778. "Today, three prisoners from the privateer Revenge's prize were brought to the prison. They were taken off the Grand Banks. Because the British Navy is so short handed they were offered the choice of the Navy or prison. Those entering the prison told us that William Heysham, the prize's mate, took the offer of the Navy." - from D. Hawks

In the meantime, when the REVENGE returned to Spain Conyngham found that the British had made things too hot and, after a refit, he sailed for the West Indies.

How did William come to be the onboard the REVENGE in the first place? Note that William Heysham, Gustavus Conyngham and William Hodge were all from Philadelphia and all were associated with trade and the sea. They would have known each other, or at least each other's firms/families, and would have felt some degree of obligation to each other should they meet outside of Philadelphia.

Conyngham "married Anne Hockley, the daughter of a Philadelphia merchant, and two years later, in the fall of 1775, he sailed from the Quaker city in the Charming Peggy for Holland . . ." however his return voyage was blocked by the British who "complained to the Dutch authorities of the character of the Charming Peggy's cargo . . ." possibly munitions. "Through a friend of his named Ross, Conyngham met William Hodge, a Philadelphia merchant in the employ of the American commissioners, who was purchasing vessels at Dunkirk for the Continental naval service . . ." The REVENGE was formerly named the GREYHOUND. ". . . as many as 66 out of her crew of 106 were mentioned as being French." "The Revenge was no sooner beyond the harbor entrance, on July 17th, than Conyngham took command, under a new commission, "as captain and commander of the armed vessel or cutter called the Revenge," dated May 2, 1777 . . ." "On July 26th Conyngham intercepted the brig Northampton, with a rich cargo of hemp and iron. She proved so valuable a prize that it was decided to send her into port. But both prize and prize crew fell into the hands of the British . . ." In 1778: "The brig Peace & Harmony and the brig Betsey were captured in the Atlantic, the snow Fanny off the coast of Portugal, the ship Hope and the brigs Carabonnere and Tapley in the Straits of Gibraltar, the brig Maria off Cape Finisterre, two brigs in the Bay of Biscay, and a third off the mouth of the Straits." From Conyngham's journal of his stay in the Mill prison, "Suffered a seveare & cruel treatment, dogs, cats rats even Grass eaten by the prisoners, thiss hard to be credited, but is a fact." On 3 November 1779 he escaped with 53 American prisoners. - from "Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham" by Robert Wilden Neeser

Our William was well qualified to be a ship's officer and he also had the motivation to be a privateer-man. His family were fierce patriots; fierce enough to split them irrevocably from his Loyalist Uncle Christopher. He would be expected to jump at the chance to use his special skills in a way that would make his father proud. Conyngham and Hodge would have been happy to find an American both eager and qualified to help officer the ship. Recruiting in LeHavre, the majority of the ship's crew would be French, but it was important to all involved, especially the ambassador, Franklin, that Americans be seen as leading the effort.

How did William happen to be in Europe to become a member of Captain Conyngham's crew? It is possible that William had accompanied William Hodge or Conyngham to Europe, but I think it as likely that when his apprenticeship with Captain Souder came to an end that he was either already in Europe or that he continued in Captain Souder's service for a time and found himself in Europe when he heard that a new privateer was being made ready for sea. In any case, it should not be surprising that a sailor might find himself in any of the usual ports of the trans-Atlantic trade, and perhaps stranded by the war, as was Conyngham. Many seafaring men found their way from America to Europe during the Revolution and entered the service of the American commissioners in Paris.

There is a list of the Prisoners of War of the American Revolution that was put together as part of the 19th century commemoration of the Americans who died onboard the British prison ships in Wallabout Bay, New York. A William Heysham is on this list. I had assumed that the list referred only to the men aboard the ships of that place, but the introduction to the list doesn't pretend to be so precise. It is just a list of all the prisoners the researchers could find in the British files.

"This list of names was copied from the papers of the British War Department. There is nothing to indicate what became of any of these prisoners, whether they died, escaped, or were exchanged. The list seems to have been carelessly kept, and is full of obvious mistakes in spelling the names. Yet it shall be given just as it is, except that the names are arranged differently, for easier reference. This list of prisoners is the only one that could be found in the British War Department. What became of the lists of prisoners on the many other prison ships, and prisons, used by the English in America, we do not know.

The records of the Revolution kept in the War Department in England have been searched in vain by American historians. It is said that the Provost Marshal, William Cunningham, destroyed his books, in order to leave no written record of his crimes.
. . .
William Heysham
. . . " - from the "List of 8000 Men who were Prisoners on board the Old Jersey" by 'The Society Of Old Brooklynites,' 1888

REVENGE's PRIZE would have been a dangerous command for William. He had a small crew, only just large enough to get the ship to port and keep a lid on any revolt from the ship's crew that were probably confined below. A large storm would have severely strained the prize crew's ability to safely handle the ship. William would have been under a great deal of strain as he paced the quarterdeck and probably got little or no sleep. When, on 8 April a sail was sighted on the horizon he would have attempted to avoid any contact and it would have been with growing dread that he came to realize it was a British warship. Once overtaken there could be no recourse but surrender. The prize was neither armed nor manned to resist. The warship would have overtaken the lumbering merchant vessel, fired a single shot over its bow to indicate its intent and William would have spilled the wind from his sails, lowered any flag he may have raised, and surrendered.

Immediately following his ship's surrender William and his prize crew would be taken aboard the warship and placed in irons below. Americans were treated as pirates, any pretense to being privateers authorized by a legal government were ignored. The threat would be execution, as was the fate of any pirate.

The Old Mill Prison In England, American prisoners were housed in the Old Mill prison at Plymouth and Forton prison at Portsmouth on either the charge of 'treason' or 'piracy'. This method of dealing with 'rebel' prisoners provided the British with a free hand to treat their captives in any manner they saw fit. It was not until 25 March 1782, six months after Yorktown, that Parliament passed a law designating Americans as prisoners of war, allowing them to be detained, released or exchanged. Old Mill Prison was situated on a promontory between Plymouth and Plymouth Dock. It could accommodate about 800 men, but only 625 were ever there at any one time, and usually only about 300. The Forton population varied between 100 and 400. The prisoners' daily rations were set at "one pound of bread, one quart of beer and three quarters of a pound of beef per day and half a pint of peas or greens five times per week. On Sunday the beef was to be replaced by cheese." The American prisoners, finding themselves confined, employed considerable Yankee ingenuity attempting to escape. On 5 January 1779 alone, 100 escaped from Old Mill Prison. "Some went over the wall, some tunneled under the wall, others bribed guards, some walked out dressed as officials, another tried to get into a coffin as a replacement for one of their number who had died, while several less scrupulous connived with members of the local populace who helped them escape and then brought them back to collect the five pounds reward, which they afterwards shared." Splitting the reward was a good way for the prisoners to raise money. Once they escaped they needed money to purchase their passage to France. There was a mass escape in December 1778 in which 109 men crawled through a hole dug under the wall, however all but 22 of the escapees were soon recaptured. They immediately began digging another tunnel. Sounds like "The Great Escape." There were two other ways of getting out other than escaping. One was to wait until being exchanged with a British sailor or soldier being held by the Americans. The second was to request a pardon and join the British Royal Navy.

On 15 March 1779 100 American sailors, out of the approximately 250 in the prison at that time, were exchanged for English prisoners, and pardoned by the King. The other prisoners were eventually exchanged as well. This was done in the order they were captured. The author of "A Relic," who had been in the prison for over two years, went in this first draft. William had been there for 10 months so he went in a subsequent draft.

In the meantime, on 12 March 1779, the US Government had auctioned off the privateer REVENGE in Philadelphia. She was sold to the firm of Conyngham & Nesbit who put Captain Conyngham back in command. However REVENGE was taken by GALATEA, a British frigate, on 27 April 1779 off the New York coast and Conyngham was sent to the Old Mill Prison. The following is from a journal Conyngham kept of this period.

"29th [July 1779]. this morning Got under way in falmouth harbour the wind at S W fresh Breeze, the English fleet off the Deadman. at 4 in the afternoon came to anchor plymouth A breast the stone house in a small Bite within 80 yds. of the shore. the tide coming in heare runs verry strong . . . on the hill to the westd. of the sound of plymouth is a camp about 1000 Men at 5 in the afternoon Brought too Mill prison. The officer Lieut. haris have behaved verry politley. brought me a by road, not insulted by any mob. Confined to a room over the Guard house wh. 2 centrys.
30th. this day nothing verry particular to me. at night moved too the Black hole in the french yard where theare was some french dezarters. A horrid room . . .
31. this morning took out of the Black hole brought to the room I was first put in. Several people heare say I am that Conyngham who Broke out of the fortune prison. . . . recd. a Letter from Wm. heysham prisoner of War." - from the "Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham" by Robert Wilden Neeser.

The sailors who had been freed from Mill prison starting in March 1779 were sent to Nantes, on the Loire river in France. At this time John Paul Jones was attempting to man a squadron in L'Orient. In a letter cited in "A Relic," Benjamin Franklin noted that Jones had asked that the freed sailors be delivered to him "that they might be at liberty to serve under his command. Most of them, if not all, have been deliverd to him." It was difficult to man regular American Navy ships because of the attractions of privateering. "Out of two hundred and twenty-seven officers and men [on BONHOMME RICHARD] there were seventy-nine Americans, mostly exchanged prisoners . . ." - from "A Naval History of the American Revolution" by Gardner Weld Allen.

Not surprisingly Jones found that two-thirds of these men, recently released after years of lean rations and hard use, were "unfit to bear arms" and a "set of dirty beings, who were to be sent to their homes at an additional expense." - from "Life and Correspondence of John Paul Jones" by Janette Taylor.

On 20 June Captain Jones set sail with a squadron that included the American BONHOMME RICHARD, 42 (Captain Jones), and ALLIANCE, 36 (Captain Landais), and the French PALLAS, 30 (Captain Cottineau), CERF, 18 (Captain Varage), and the VENGENCE, 12 (Captain Ricot). The author of "A Relic" joined the ALLIANCE.

Using freed prisoners could have its downside. Benjamin Franklin wrote to Jones, "As many of your officers and people have lately escaped from English prisons, either in Europe or America, you are to be particularly attentive to their conduct towards the prisoners which the fortune of war may throw into your hands, lest the resentment of the more than barbarous usage by the English in many places towards the Americans should occasion a retaliation or imitation of what ought rather to be detested and avoided for the sake of humanity and for the honour of our country." - from "A Naval History of the American Revolution" by Gardner Weld Allen.

Early in August 1779 43 more Americans arrived from English prisons were were recruited onboard BONHOMME RICHARD. Captain Jones led the squadron out on another sortie on 14 August 1779. They seized a number of prizes, then, on 23 September, Jones had his famous encounter with the SERAPIS, taking her after a long and bloody fight. At the same time the PALLAS took SERAPIS' escort, the COUNTESS OF SCARBOROUGH. Throughout the engagement VENGENCE inexplicably held off to windward. Worse, the ALLIANCE, which showed up late, mistook BONHOMME RICHARD and fired into her several times.

Jones squadron then put into Texel, in Holland. Landais was relieved and Jones took command of the ALLIANCE. The SERAPIS was put under a French flag to avoid complications with the neutral Dutch. The English prisoners taken by Jones were exchanged for the last of the Americans then confined in England, including William Heysham.

"Haysham, Wm. M. [Master] Pard. [Pardon] for exchange Dec. 11, 1779. G." - from "Mariners of the American Revolution" by Jack Kaminkow

Captain Conyngham had made his escape from Mill prison by this time and joined Jones on the ALLIANCE. Jones finally set sail on 27 December 1779 and ran the blockade of a British squadron set to capture him.

The ALLIANCE then cruised off Cape Finisterre. Conyngham left at Coruna, in Spain, and returned to America on another ship. ALLIANCE put into L'Orient for repairs, but Benjamin Franklin wanted to send her back to America as soon as possible. She was to carry arms and a number of passengers. In the meantime more American prisoners arrived from England which Jones again used to man his ships.

In June 1780 ALLIANCE sailed for America, commanded again by Landais, in company with a ship, a brig, a schooner and a lugger. Charles Herbert, author of "A Relic" left the ALLIANCE on 21 August 1780 and was home in Newbury by 23 August. William was also home by the end of 1780 when he was a witness to a will, see below.

How did the years in prison affect William? While it is, of course, impossible to say at this distance in time, William did not have children, though he did marry. This may be nothing more than a natural proclivity, but he may have felt that his youth had been stolen from him and that his joy in life had been beaten out of him. All that can be reasonably said, is that it would have been a period of life that he could never forget, and a treatment he could probably never forgive.

William Heysham Jr. witnessed a will in December 1780 in Philadelphia:

Mifflin, Samuel. City of Phila. Merchant. Signed: December 23, 1780. Proved: May 28, 1781. R.422. Wife: Rebecca. Daughter: Sarah Francis. Nieces: Sarah [Wife of Thomas Mifflin], Susanna and Rebecca Morris [Sisters of Sarah Mifflin], Elizabeth Wheeler [Formerly Elizabeth Jones], Sarah Jones [Sister of Elizabeth Wheeler]. Negro Woman: Katy and her children, Peter, Susan and Nancy. Friends: Ann, Martha and Samuel Powell. Grandchildren: Tench, Rebecca and Samuel Mifflin Francis. Exec: Rebecca Mifflin, William Attmore. Wit: William Heysham, Junr., Edward Pole, Peter Thomson.

William continued his career as a privateer. Each of the following, which are bonds given by Letters of Marque, must have been for a single voyage.

"Feb. 28 1781. SCHUYLKILL. Pennsylvania brig. Guns: 10. Crew: 34. Bond: $20,000. Master: John Souder. Mate: William Hoysham [Philadelphia].
Bonders: John Souder, Philadelphia. James Craig, jr., Philadelphia.
Owners: James Craig, Philadelphia. Philip Moore & Co. [Philadelphia].
Witness: James Trimble."

"Schuylkill made a voyage to Havana, Cuba following her commission. She returned to Philadelphia about early May 1781 with a cargo of sugar. The next voyage was to Cap Francois, Saint-Domingue. Schuylkill arrived at Cap Francois on 3 July 1781, having been chased several times while en route to the island. Souder found the Pennsylvania Privateer Brigantine George (Commander William Campbell) there and solicited the George's company on the passage home. George was also owned by Philip Moore & Co. Both privateers planned to sail about 14 July 1781 with a French convoy. Schuylkill returned safely to Philadelphia. She received a second commission under Commander John Burrows of Philadelphia, with Robert French of Philadelphia aboard as First Mate." - from "American War of Independence - At Sea"

"Jul. 24 1781. JUNO. Pennsylvania ship. Guns: 8. Crew: 30. Bond: $20,000. Master: William Smith. Mate: William Hoysham.
Bonders: Robert Bridges, Philadelphia. William Smith, Philadelphia.
Owners: Blair McClenachan, John Pringle, and others [Philadelphia].
Witness: James Trimble."

"Juno sailed from Philadelphia on 8 August 1781 in a convoy escorted by Continental Navy Ship Trumbull (Captain James Nicholson). She proceeded to Havana, Cuba, arriving there on 2 September 1781. She loaded a cargo of sugar and rum, and 14000 Spanish dollars in specie. Juno sailed from Havana bound for Philadelphia in company with two brigs, with similar cargoes and bound for the same port. She parted from the brigs about 13 October 1781. On 16 October, Juno was captured by HM Frigate Amphion (Captain John Bazely) and sent into New York, New York, where she arrived on 20 October 1781. The British reported that she was armed with eight guns and had a crew of forty men. Juno was tried and condemned in the Vice Admiralty court, where she is listed as an American merchant ship with a letter-of-marque. Juno was advertised for sale at New York on 27 October 1781. She was described as a "beautiful Prize Ship . . . a new vessel, well found in sails, anchors and cables . . ." The sale was to be held on 29 October." - from "American War of Independence - At Sea"

". . . Then, on October 15 there was a night chase lasting some four and a half hours in pursuit of the Juno, a privateer sailing from Havana to Philadelphia. Forten and the other Americans on the Amphion were reluctant witnesses, their sympathies with the Juno's crew, and yet on the receiving end of her resistance. She fired on the British ship, and [Captain] Bazely responded with a broadside. As the firing subsided, there came across the water, in the darkness, loud splashes as the Juno's master ordered his men to jettison her carriage guns. Realizing he could not outgun his opponent, he hoped to lighten ship enough to outrun her. The strategy did not work. Bazely had his gun crews fire at the masts and rigging. The Juno's foremast was hit, and flight was impossible. The captain surrendered, a prize crew boarded his vessel, and he and his men found themselves prisoners on the Amphion.

"In his log her master reported that toward evening on October 23 his crew was "Employ'd Carr[y]ing our Prisoners to the Prison Ship." - from "A Gentleman of Color" The Life of James Forten"

"Dec. 22 1781. PERSEVERANCE. Pennsylvania brigantine. Guns: 6. Crew: 25. Bond: $20,000. Master: George McAroy. Mate: William Hoysham [Philadelphia].
Bonders: George McAroy, Philadelphia. Thomas Randall, Philadelphia.
Owners: Thomas Randall, Philadelphia. Stewart, Totten & Co. [Philadelphia].
Witness: James Trimble" - from "Naval Records of the American Revolution: 1775-1788" by Charles Henry Lincoln

I have another book, "Naval Officers of the American Revolution" by Charles Eugene Claghorn, which I cannot get into, but a crafty Google search reveals the sentences,

"HEYSHAM, WILLIAM PA February 22, 1781 at age 23 Mate on the brig SCHUYLKILL commanded by Captain Souder. On December 22, 1781 at age 24 he was Mate on the brigantine PERSEVERANCE commanded by George McAroy (PAA)." page 149

"HOYSHAM, WILLIAM PA July 24, 1781 Mate on the ship JUNO commanded by William Smith and on December 22, 1781 Mate on the brigantine PERSEVERANCE commanded by . . ." page 159

"On December 22, 1781 at age 46 he [George McAroy] commanded the brigantine PERSEVERANCE with 6 guns & 25 men (LN)." page 202

The Effective Supply Tax of the city of Philadelphia for 1781 lists William Heysham with a Valuation of 950 and a Tax of 9.17.10. I believe, based on the valuation, that this is William Sr. His eldest son, Robert, was listed below him with a zero valuation and Tax of 1.0.0. William Jr., however, was not listed, perhaps because he was at sea on one of the privateers, above.

The war was basically over in October 1781 with the surrender of General Cornwallis at Yorktown. A peace treaty was signed in 1783.

On 18 July 1786 William was granted a warrant for 400 acres in Catawissa, Northumberland county. The return date of the survey was 23 May 1870. The patentee was Edward Beebe et al. See Catawissa. The plat map is at C92 138. The plat description makes clear that this was for William Heysham Jun., with a P superimposed. William Heysham, presumably Sr., had a similar grant in September 1786.

"A Drawing of a Tract of land Called ____ Situate on the waters of Snake Creek, Adjoining lands of Christopher Roan and others in Stoke township, Northumberland County, Surveyed on the 20th day of September 1786, for William Heysham Jun. by Virtue of his warrant dated the 18th day of July 1786 Containing three hundred and Eighty acres, and three Quarters with the allowance of six [garbled] for Roads etc."

I think I've found William, along with his father and brother, Robert, in the Tax List of 1788. I'm guessing that one of those Williams is William P. Heysham, most likely the Captain since William Sr. had long ago given up the sea.

"Alexander Wilcox - Attorney
Dwelling . . . 750
200 of plate . . . 80
1 Horse . . . 20
1 Cow . . . 4
Occupation . . . 300
[Total] L1154

William Heysham, gent.
Dwelling . . . 590
30 of plate . . . 16
Occupation . . . 50
[Total] L656

Robert Heysham
Pr. Head 20p

Captain Heysham
Pr. Head 15p

Matthew Clarkson - Gent
. . ." - from Pennsylvania, Tax and Exoneration, 1768-1801

In the census of 1790 for Philadelphia there were three men living in the household of William Heysham at 107 Arch street. These were, I assume, William Sr. and his two sons, Robert and William Jr.

I suspect we have Captain William P. Heysham in the following article in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 14 August 1793.

July 29, Charleston, South Carolina. ". . . Monday last arrived schooner Friendship, Captain Heysham, from Teneriffe, in 40 days. Capt. Heysham informs, that the day before he sailed a packet arrived from Cadiz, who brought accounts of an action having taken place between the French and combined armies; that the latter were defeated with great slaughter; and that the Duke of York was dangerously wounded."

From 1794 William was the captain of the merchant ship THOMAS, out of Charleston, South Carolina.

"List of the Names of Persons and of Vessels. . . . concerned in the cases submitted to the commissioners appointed to examine, verify, and liquidate certain claims, under the provisions of the Convention between the United Sates and The French Republic, concluded April 30, 1803, and which were admitted as valid.
. . .
1794 . . . 1795 . . . 1796 { Crafts, Morris and Tunno & Cox, of Charleston, S.C., owners, ship Thomas, Captain Hysham, schooner Eliza, Captain Allen, and schooner Venus, Captain Perkins, supplies for the French Government at St. Domingo." - from "United States Congressional Serial Set"

The next reference cites both the THOMAS and the KITTY.

"Reported Losses
. . .
Kitty. Captain Hysham, master. Reported condemned at Saint-Domingue."
. . .
Thomas, ship, Captain Hysham, master. Morris Craft and Tunno & Co., of Charleston, owners. Furnished supplies to the French government at Saint-Domingue in 1794. Unpaid bills. Claim allowed by the American Commission at Paris under the treaty of April 30, 1803." - from "The French Assault on American Shipping, 1793-1813" by Greg H. Williams

"Kitty; Hysham.
Decree of condemnation at Cape Hayti found in Colonial Archives, Paris," - from "United States Congressional Serial Set, Volume 2561"

How did William end up in Charleston? Note that William's uncle, Gyles, had sailed for Henry Laurens of Charleston and that Thomas Morris was the local agent for the Philadelphia firm of Alexander and Nesbitt. Henry Laurens was at one time the partner of Crafts, Morris and Tunno. Either of these men could have recommended William for a captaincy. Gyles Heysham himself died in 1787 so these were not his voyages. Gyles' younger brother, Christopher, below, another ship's captain, died in 1802, so he can not be ruled out as our "Captain Hysham," though he would have been awfully old.

We have a similar reference to another ship captained or owned by William:

"Evesham (Heysham) William
master of the schooner Fame,
to compensation under this article.1 (2) AWARD At a Meeting of the Commissioners on June 6 [1797] In the Case of the Schr Fame, W? Heysham (sic), M?" - from "International Adjudications, Ancient and Modern: History and Document" by John Bassett Moore and Emil Usteri.

"6. THE FAME, Evesham, Master This vessel was captured January 20, 1794, and condemned in the vice admiralty court at Dominica on February 26, 1794. No appeal was then taken. Under an order of August 9, 1794, appeals from the vice admiralty courts were admitted, notwithstanding the ordinary time for prosecuting them had elapsed, provided they were presented within a reasonable time; and under this order appeals, not within the ordinary time, were admitted until the end of September 1795. A motion on behalf of the claimant for entering an appeal was made before the lords commissioners on appeal on November 15, 1795, but it was rejected. . . .
. . .
At a Meeting of the Commissioners on June 6 [1797] . . . . .
In the Case of the Schr Fame, Wm Heysham (sic), Mr.
The Board being of the Opinion That it does not sufficiently appear that the Claimants could not obtain, have & receive, by the ordinary Cause of judicial Proceedings adequate Compensation for the Loss & Damage alleged to have been sustained by the Capture and Condemnation complained of--but that the Case set forth and proved by the Claimants is within the description of Cases to which it was agreed by the Contracting Parties that the 7th Article of the Treaty should not extend." - from "Compensation for Losses and Damages Caused by the Violation of Neutral . . . "

William Jr. died on 10 December 1798, when he was 42 years old - from the biography of the Reverend Theodore Heysham. This was just a year after his father's death. Theodore Banta, in "The Sayre Family," indicates that William P. Heysham was lost "about 1800 in the wreck of the Charleston Packet in the Delaware river." While this notation may not refer to a ship specifically named the CHARLESTON PACKET, there was such a ship. Was William the captain or a passenger, returning to his Philadelphia home after a cruise aboard his Charleston-based ship, the THOMAS?

Another clue to the possible identity of the Charleston Packet was a painting, described below.

"S. Nichols Titled across the bottom: Charleston Packet = Brig Emily, Capt. S. Nichols ; the Brig flying the 'Great Luminary' American flag;." - Huge, Frederick Jurgen; Oil on Canvas

William's brother, Robert, was the estate's executor.

"Notice.
All persons indebted to the Estate of William Heysham, late of the city of Charleston, and formerly of the city, mariner, deceased, are requested to make payment, and those who have demands, against said Estate, will please exhibit them to Robert Heysham, Admr. Philadelphia, Feb. 6, 1799" - from the Gazette of the United States of 14 March 1799

I have no record of any children, however I did find a William Hesson born about 1785 in Chatham, Chester county, Pennsylvania in the IGI. Chatham is a village and a township southwest of Philadelphia. The place and time are correct, but I believe it more likely that this was a son of Balthazar, a German emigrant in Pennsylvania who was variously known by the surnames Hussong, Hessong, Hissong, Hisson, Hissom and Hesson.

She was included in the genealogy of Theodore Heysham, as recorded in Roberts' Bios: Vol II - Part 2. She died on 26 September 1764, which may be the year of her birth.

Per Sandra Seamons/not in Theodore Heysham's genealogy. I know nothing of this son myself. He was not mentioned in the will of his uncle, Chrisopher, signed in 1800.

Esq. The earliest known Heysham in the country? There is some confusion with Peter's name, as you'll read below. I've been trying to dig up information on him assuming that he may be John Heysham's son, one of the "some" that emigrated. He was living in America and does, after all, have the uncommon name of Heysham when the total population of the colonies was only 250,000. If he was John's son, that is the son of a prosperous Lancaster merchant, he would have arrived in America with certain advantages; a better education than most, smooth manners, a good set of clothes, and probably a letter of introduction. These things would have helped him acquire a position.

The problem is that as I found more information about him, it became less likely that his name was Heysham, and more likely that it was Heyman or Hayman.

Peter lived in Virginia - probably in the James river area of Hampton, Jamestown, and Williamsburg - and is buried in Hampton, across the James river from present day Norfolk. In 1692 he was appointed postmaster for all the plantations in Virginia and Maryland.

At the time of his death in 1700 Peter was the collector of customs for the James River District. Based on his service, he could not have been born later that 1670 and more likely much earlier. In 1699 Williamsburg became the capital of Virginia. Could Peter have lived there as a customs official? Virginia's population in 1700 was 58,560 including 16,390 slaves.

Here is the first reference to Peter, using his Heysham surname. Annals of Philadelphia And Pennsylvania, Vol. II:
"There is at present a large marble tombstone, in a grave place half a mile out of Hampton [Virginia], on the Pembroke farm of John Jones, Esq., which had been placed there by governor Nicholson in 1700, which records the death of Peter Heysham, Esq., collector of the customs, who had been killed as a volunteer on board the king's ship, the SHOREHAM, in a brave encounter with a pirate on the coast; most probably, from the date with Kidd [highly unlikely]. The action lasted seven hours, and the governor was also present."

Here is a fuller account of the battle referenced above, but now using the surname Hayman. I am willing to assume that a clerk putting together a record with many names and references could record Peter's uncommon name incorrectly, especially when he was not alive to correct any mistakes. I would also assume that the tombstone mentioned above would be far more likely to have the correctly spelled name.

From The Colonial Records Project-Library Of Virginia: "Survey Report No. 4385, 13 May 1700. This document contains 21 depositions sworn before the Court of Oyer & Terminer for the trial of pirates in Virginia before Peter Beverly, Clerk of Arraigns. Some of the depositions are sworn by individual mariners, others by groups of mariners from different ships captured by Lewis Guittar [this is the real name of the pirate involved]. All ships were outward bound from Virginia, except the PENNSYLVANIA MERCHANT, which was inbound from England. On 17 April (1699) the BALTIMORE was captured; on 18 April the GEORGE of Pennsylvania bound for Jamaica. The master of the FRIENDSHIP of Belfast-Hans Haniel-was killed when the pirates fired on his ship. On 28 April 4 ships were captured within the Cape of Virginia including the PENNSYLVANIA MERCHANT, and the INDIAN KING of Virginia and the NICHOLSON. The PENNSYLVANIA MERCHANT was burnt. The crews taken prisoner were confined in the hold of the pirate ship which was call LA PAIX (PEACE); some other being made to throw cargoes of tobacco and other goods to Lyn-Haven by the pirates. On 28 April Captain John Alread, Commander of H.M.S. ESSEX {also called the ESSEX-PRIZE] having heard of the pirates' exploits came ashore and informed H. E. Francis Nicholson H.M. Governor General of Virginia and Captain Passenger of H.M.S. SHOREHAM that there was a Pirate in Lyn-Haven Bay. Whereupon captain Passenger and His Excellency, together with Captain Alread and Peter Hayman Esquire, [this is Peter Heysham, the customs agent] went aboard H.M.S. SHOREHAM and in coming out of the James River engaged the Pirate ship. Captain Guittar fought under a blood red flag. Peter Hayman Esquire was slain. After an engagement which lasted 6 to 8 hours John Lympany, a passenger from the PENNSYLVANIA MERCHANT, was ordered by Lewis Guittar to swim aboard the SHOREHAM to inform H. E. the Governor that there were English prisoners aboard his ship and that they and the ship would be blown up unless H. E. was prepared to grant Quarter to Guittar and his men if they surrendered. The Governor gave his promise. About 124 pirates were taken prisoner and some 25 to 30 pirates were slain. Between 40 and 50 English prisoners were liberated."

Yet another account, from a WPA Guide to Hampton, Virginia, with more about Peter himself. Surname again misspelled, this time as Heyman.
"The community knew too well the pirates that infested the Virginia coast in the late seventeenth century. Hampton citizens continually protested the drunkenness and inefficiency of Captain Aldred, who commanded the ESSEX-PRIZE, a pirate-chaser that always lay up for repairs when its services were needed. When the man-of-war SHOREHAM replaced the ESSEX-PRIZE in 1700, Peter Heyman, collector of customs for the James River, was among the Virginians killed in a ten-hour battle that resulted in defeat of the pirates. Governor Nicholson, who had risked his life aboard the SHOREHAM to watch the engagement, reported that 'Peter Heyman had behaved himself very well in the fight.' Heyman was appointed postmaster in 1692 for all the plantations in Virginia and Maryland, and endeavored to set up an efficient Colonial postal system."

I would have been happy assuming these differences in surnames were all the errors of a clerk, but the next reference is more damning. The WPA Historical Inventory Project in Virginia:
"The VHI Project also encouraged its field-workers to submit reports on community cemeteries, reports that in many cases preserved inscriptions rapidly fading away in the face of time, weather, or encroaching change. Between March 1936 and August 1937, for example, field-workers Sadie A. Anderson, Mary Bullifant, and Eleanor S. Jacobs researched several small cemeteries scattered about the twenty-year-old Langley Field in what was then Elizabeth City County. Bullifant noted what she could from the eroded text of a 1697 grave. She was able to decipher far more, however, from a stone in memory of Peter Heyman, a customs officer shot and killed "as he stood.., on ye Quarter Deck" in a bitter 1700 battle with pirates in Lynnhaven Bay. "

However, I have since determined that a Peter Heysham definitely existed in pre-1700 Virginia. He may or may not be the same man as Peter Heyman/Hayman, above. From Virginia Colonial Records:

Court of Chancery. Bills and Answers. Hamilton's Division. 1698/99, 1701/02. Heysham, Peter lawsuit involving 1698/99-1701/02, SR 13590, p. 1 Bill of Complaint of Benjamin Braine c. Peter Willart, John Burton, John Rawson, Peter Heysham and James Wagstaffe.

"In January 1696/97 Francis Tyerence and Valentine Crugers promised to buy from the plaintiff hogsheads of tobacco. They became bankrupt before full payment was made. He has kept the tobacco until he receives all the money but Willart and the others, assignees of the bankruptcy are claiming it."

The dates, 1698/99-1701/02, do not necessarily imply that Peter Heysham was alive on those dates. The suit, started in 1696, would have continued until resolved even if one of the principles had been killed in a sea battle with pirates.

So, who was Peter Heysham and how did he come to be in Virginia at such an early date? At this point I don't know, nor how he figures into the family descent.

The 1624 census of Jamestown lists no surname close to Heysham.

Just to keep things interesting, I've also found an early biography of Peter Heyman. He was the grandson of Sir Peter Heyman, of Summerfield, in county Kent, England. He was collector of customs for the lower James river in 1699, and in 1692 one of the deputy postmaster generals for the colonies. He was killed on board the SHOREHAM in a fight with a pirate ship near Cape Henry on 29 April 1700. Buried at Hampton where his tombstone was lately seen. Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Volume VI Burgesses and Other Prominent Persons.

So Peter Heysham, whoever he was, was not involved in a fight with pirates, at least as far as I know . . .

Steve Hissem
San Diego, California